Friday, December 27, 2013

Democracy Now! Daily Digest - A Daily Independent Global News Hour with Amy Goodman & Juan González for Friday, 27 December 2013

Democracy Now! Daily Digest - A Daily Independent Global News Hour with Amy Goodman & Juan González for Friday, 27 December 2013
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The Other 98% Urges Wall Street to Donate $91 Billion in Bonuses to Victims of Financial Crisis
The Dow Jones Industrial Average and the S&P 500 both hit record highs on Thursday while the NASDAQ surged to its highest level in over 13 years. The year-end rally is expected to add a boost to the massive bonuses Wall Street is preparing to hand out this year. The largest Wall Street firms have reportedly set aside more than $91 billion for year-end bonuses. In response, an activist group called The Other 98% has launched a petition calling on employees of Chase, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Bank of America to donate their bonuses to the 10 million Americans made homeless by the housing crisis. We are joined by Alexis Goldstein, a former computer programmer at Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch and Deutsche Bank who later got involved with Occupy Wall Street and is now communications director at the group, The Other 98%.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Thursday was another record-setting day on Wall Street. The Dow Jones Industrial Average and the Standard & Poor’s 500 both hit new highs while the NASDAQ surged to its highest level in over 13 years. The year-end rally is expected to add a boost to the massive bonuses Wall Street is preparing to hand out this year. The biggest Wall Street firms have reportedly set aside a whopping $91 billion for year-end bonuses.
AMY GOODMAN: Meanwhile, a spinoff of Occupy Wall Street called The Other 98% has launched a petition calling on employees of Chase, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Bank of America to donate their bonuses to the 10 million Americans made homeless by the housing crisis.
We’re joined now by Alexis Goldstein in Washington, D.C. For seven years, she worked on Wall Street as a computer programmer at Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch and Deutsche Bank. She later got involved with Occupy Wall Street, now is communications director at The Other 98%.
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Alexis.
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Thanks for having me.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, talk about your recommendation for what these bankers should do with their bonuses.
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Sure. So you had on Laura Gottesdiener, who’s the author of A Dream Foreclosed, earlier this year. And she has said that 10 million people were displaced during the foreclosure crisis, often due to predatory loans. These were mortgages that were sold that had rates that were bait-and-switch rates. And so our suggestion is quite simply that they should take this money and do something about the lack of affordable housing, which we think is a problem that they caused, because they have essentially thrown so many people wrongfully out of their homes.
And so, we had a proposal to take $60 billion and fund something called the National Housing Trust Fund for two years. This is a program that was actually created by George Bush in 2008. It’s a program that, if funded at $30 billion for 10 years, could end homelessness in America. But this program has been yet to be funded. And so, we’re saying that Wall Street could take $60 billion out of their bonuses and help get this ball rolling and fund that program for two years.
And then our next suggestion was essentially to take care of the $21 billion in needed repairs to public housing. Right now the federal government only allocates less than $2 billion a year to do these repairs, and so what ends up happening is about 10,000 units of public housing fall out of the inventory every year, so we have less and less affordable housing. So that’s our second suggestion.
And then I suppose they could take the $10 billion remaining, and I suppose they could dole the rest of that out. But those were our two suggestions.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Alexis, how is it possible that the Wall Street firms have been able to accumulate so much in bonuses, given the fact that the recovery here in the—economic recovery here in the United States is still so sluggish, still over 7 percent unemployed, and the reports the last few days that Christmas shopping among Americans was hardly what the financial community expected?
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: It’s a great question, Juan, and I think there’s two answers. One is, Bloomberg earlier this year did a study that said that there’s an $83 billion-a-year subsidy coming from the government and flowing into Wall Street. And that comes from the cheap cost of borrowing that they get directly from the Federal Reserve, and it also comes from the fact that the people that loan Wall Street money assume that the government would bail them out again if they ever got into trouble, and so they loan them money at a lower rate than they would to a bank that they don’t see as too big to fail. So, $83 billion of government subsidies every year, a big chunk of that, I guess, they’re just putting right back into their pockets and giving out in bonuses.
And I think another reason that they’re doing so well is they continue to commit crimes that are very profitable. There was a huge settlement this year with JPMorgan that was a $13 billion settlement, that was the result of mortgages that they sold during the crisis that were very shady and were misrepresented. Investors actually lost $26 billion on that, so $13 billion sounds like a big settlement, but it’s actually just a fraction of the money that people lost. But then you have things like JPMorgan manipulating electricity markets and charging consumers in California more money than they should be, because they’re manipulating the market. We saw credit card fraud. We saw JPMorgan fined for that, to the tune of $300 million. So I think the second answer to the question is, they’re still doing things that are criminal that actually happen to be highly profitable.
AMY GOODMAN: You talk about FT magazine’s "How to Spend It."
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Yes. So, there’s a magazine that comes out 30 times a year in the Financial Times as a hard copy, and it also has its own website, just howtospendit.com. And it’s kind—it looks like a parody. It’s kind of shocking. But it’s a real thing. And they profile $20,000 watches. They profile gadgets that you can buy, like a $50,000 diamond-crusted iPhone case. And, you know, they profile all sorts of very fancy, very expensive cars. But this is a real magazine that exists to sort of instruct, I suppose, the wealthiest of Wall Street bankers how they can spend their opulent bonuses each year.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the bonuses that are being considered?
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Well, so it’s important to remember that these employees on Wall Street get a base salary, and the base salary that they get is usually in the range of about $150,000, and it goes on up from there, especially if you’re a higher-level employee. So the bonuses are often, you know, 100 percent of the base salary, but all the way up into the millions of dollars for very profitable traders. And so, these are people that are making a salary that is far above what the average American makes already. And then they—you know, depending on where they are in the bank and if they’re a trader or somebody more on the operations end—might get something in the tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands, all the way up into the millions. So it really depends on where people sit in the bank. But I think the key point to remember is, these are not people that are, you know, living hard on their salary. Their salaries themselves are very generous, and the bonus is just the icing on the cake at the end of the year.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you about one of the chief reforms that came out of the financial crisis, the so-called Volcker Rule that President Obama touted repeatedly and that is now in the stages of being finally implemented. We’re talking now five years after the crisis, or six years. And what is the Volcker Rule? And how is it being implemented? And what are the financial firms doing to—already, to try to challenge it or to rein in its worst aspects, as far as they’re concerned?
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Sure. So the Volcker Rule came out of the financial crisis, and it was part of a law called Dodd-Frank, which was this very long law that tried to tackle all of the various problems that led to the financial crisis. The Volcker Rule says that banks that enjoy government backing and FDIC insurance don’t get to gamble anymore. If they want to do trades, they have to do trades on behalf of their clients, and they don’t get just to buy something because they think it’s going to skyrocket in price in the future. And the logic behind it was, a lot of these banks—Citigroup one of them, Merrill Lynch another—bought up a lot of these mortgage-backed securities and other mortgage derivative products, and essentially held onto them because they thought they were going to go up and up and up forever. And they ended up losing a ton of money as a result of that. They sold a lot of loans that were—sold a lot of these that were very—ended up being fraudulent. And so, the basic idea is, look, if you’re going to have taxpayer backing at the end of the day, if you’re going to have FDIC insurance, you shouldn’t get to gamble. And that’s what the Volcker Rule is about.
But like any law that is put forth these days, Wall Street lobbied very hard to try to water it down, very hard to try to have exceptions. And so, one of the exceptions, essentially, to the rule is, look, you shouldn’t be able to own a hedge fund if you’re a Wall Street bank or a private equity fund, because you could just gamble through that hedge fund. So they put a 3 percent cap on the amount of a hedge fund or amount of a private equity fund that you could own. But there are different ways around that. And there are certain things that don’t count towards that 3 percent cap. And one of those happens to be a fight that we’ve been having for a while about taxation. So if you remember back in the presidential campaign, Mitt Romney was—it was revealed that he paid a very low rate in taxes. And that has to do with something in private equity, in the way that private equity managers are paid. They’re paid basically through something called carried interest. And carried interest is essentially a sharing of the profits that the private equity fund makes. And the arguments that people like Mitt Romney make for why that carried interest should be taxed at a lower rate is that they say it’s ownership in the fund. But in the Volcker Rule, carried interest is not considered ownership, and because of that, it doesn’t count towards that 3 percent cap that I mentioned. And so, that’s just one example of an exemption in the Volcker Rule that I fear could be exploited by the banks.
I do think there’s a silver lining there, though. If we can get five financial regulators—and that’s how many regulators worked on this rule—to agree, which they have agreed, that carried interest isn’t ownership, then it seems to me that Congress has no excuse not to change the way it’s taxed. And it should be taxed the same way a salary is taxed and the same way that wages are taxed. So I suppose there’s a small silver lining in that exemption.
AMY GOODMAN: When people ask, "Where is Occupy today?" well, one of the places it is, it’s right here around this issue. Occupy Wall Street sent a 325-page comment on the Volcker Rule. The document was cited 284 times in the actual rule. Alexis, talk about that document that you were key in helping to write.
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: So there were about seven of us that worked on that. I was one of the seven. And we really tried to identify every single place that we could find where Wall Street would exploit a loophole or run around the rule. And so, we made a series of recommendations. We made a number of recommended changes in the language of the law. And, you know, for the most part, I think most of our recommendations weren’t taken verbatim, but essentially what happened is the banks would argue for something that was super-deregulatory; the group that I was a part of, Occupy the SEC, would argue for strengthening the rule; and the regulators essentially, for the most part, chose something in the middle and made both sides unhappy. But I see it as a victory, because the needle didn’t move towards Wall Street, which is what normally happens. Normally, we just see watering down. And there were a couple of cases where they actually did take on the recommendations that were made. And so, I think that this was a real victory for the public having a voice in the process and having a voice in these laws and regulations that are normally completely dominated by Wall Street interests, and essentially they get to write their own rules. And so, we were able to move the needle a little bit in the right direction in this case because of that letter.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you about another issue that I’m sure is going to come up in Congress in 2014, which is the issue of the huge amounts of profits that U.S. corporations are holding overseas, because they don’t want to repatriate them and have to pay full tax by bringing them back into the country. There’s all kinds of talk, even in the Obama administration, about some form of a tax amnesty. I’m wondering what you think—your sense is, what’s going to happen with this issue in 2014?
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: I think, unfortunately, the interests are not—you know, the odds are not in our favor. I think that there’s a very, very strong push to continue to allow these loopholes to exist. I am somewhat optimistic, because we do at least see talk from the Obama administration about addressing income inequality, and it seems to me that if you’re going to truly meaningfully address income inequality, in addition to raising the minimum wage, you need to close some of these tax loopholes. So it does seem to be a logical extension of what the president has called the most important issue of our time. However, you know, it’s one thing to say that in a speech; it’s another thing to make policy changes to the tax code. I’m encouraged that we could see policy changes to tighten these loopholes that allow them to shift things overseas, but again, it’s always an uphill struggle, because you tighten one loophole, and then they lobby to open up another one. So I suppose I would say that I was cautiously optimistic that we’ll see some changes, but I’ll be watching it closely, and I certainly remain skeptical.
AMY GOODMAN: Alexis, I wanted to ask you about, before we end, a satirical video that The Other 98% posted around the oil giant Exxon. Let’s go to a clip.
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: Yes.
THE OTHER 98% AD: Here at Exxon, we hate your children. We all know the climate crisis will rip their world apart, but we don’t care, because it’s making us rich. That’s right. Every year, Congress gives the fossil fuel industry over $10 billion in subsidies. That’s your tax dollars lining our pockets. Making a fortune destroying your kids’ future, at Exxon, that’s what we call good business. ExxonHatesYourChildren.com.
AMY GOODMAN: Alexis Goldstein, talk about it.
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: So, this was essentially our way of bringing to light the very real fact that ExxonMobil is a huge contributor to climate change. They are really wrecking the planet for all of us. You know, we blew past 350 parts per million of carbon. We’re at 450 parts per million of carbon. And this is a corporation that receives $10 billion a year—that’s a low end of the estimate. Some people believe the estimate for oil companies is as high as $52 billion. And so, this is a company that not only receives a huge amount of government assistance, they continue to operate as if they are a good corporate actor. And I think if you took into account all of the externalities—and by that I mean climate change, all of the natural disasters that we’ve seen, you know, increasing temperatures, extreme weather—this is a corporation that cares more about profits than they do about all of us living here on this planet.
And so, we were trying to poke fun at that. They actually filed a cease-and-desist letter with Comcast so that we couldn’t air this as we wanted to right before the State of—the president’s State of the Union earlier this year. So, they definitely noticed. So—but I think that this was very effective. And it’s tongue-in-cheek, but it’s also quite serious. I mean, I think they really do hate all of us and hate our children. They certainly like their money more than they like all of our children.
AMY GOODMAN: I mean, President Obama called for an end to those tax subsidies, hasn’t he? But where has it gone?
ALEXIS GOLDSTEIN: That’s right. It’s a good question. I think that it’s really important that we keep the pressure on, that we continue to shame the corporate caucus and call for a true end to these subsidies, and not just talk about it.
AMY GOODMAN: Alexis Goldstein, I want to thank you for being with us, communications director at The Other 98%, worked for seven years on Wall Street at Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch and Deutsche Bank.
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. The Philippines is still reeling from Typhoon Haiyan, and yet they are paying a fortune in back debt for the former dictator, Ferdinand Marcos. How is this possible? One group is calling for forgiving the debt. Stay with us.
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U.S. Rushes Weapons to Iraq Amidst Bloody Sectarian Conflict Set Off by 2003 Invasion
A series of attacks in Iraq over Christmas left at least 42 people dead and dozens more wounded. As Iraq faces its worst violence in years, the United States has rushed a new shipment of Hellfire missiles to help the Iraqi government fight militants. The CIA is also helping Iraqi forces target militant camps with aerial strikes. According to the United Nations, more than 8,000 Iraqis have been killed this year in the worst violence since 2008. We discuss the continued crisis in Iraq and how the Syrian conflict is affecting the entire region, with two guests: Raed Jarrar, an Iraqi-American blogger and political analyst, and William Dunlop, a Baghdad-based correspondent for Agence France-Presse.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: As Iraq faces the worst violence in years, the U.S. is reportedly sending arms to the country. The New York Times reports the United States has rushed a new shipment of Hellfire missiles to help the Iraqi government fight militants. The CIA is also helping Iraqi forces target militant camps with aerial strikes. U.S. and Iraqi government officials said that about 75 Hellfire air-to-ground missiles had been sent last week. An additional shipment of unmanned ScanEagle surveillance drones is also expected next year.
Meanwhile, a series of attacks in Iraq over Christmas left at least 42 people dead and dozens more wounded. The Christmas Day bombings mostly targeted Christian areas. This is Essam Istefan, an Iraqi Christian.
ESSAM ISTEFAN: [translated] I wish on Christmas Day happiness for Christians in Iraq and around the world, and I wish that the Iraqi people can overcome these difficult times. And I hope for the return of happiness and peace in the country.
AMY GOODMAN: According to the United Nations, more than 8,000 Iraqis have been killed this year in the worst violence since 2008. To talk more about the situation in Iraq, we’re joined by two guests: in Washington, D.C., Raed Jarrar, Iraqi-American blogger, political analyst, and in Baghdad, William Dunlop is a correspondent for Agence France-Presse. AFP has been keeping a regular tally of deaths across Iraq this year.
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! Let’s go directly to William Dunlop in Baghdad. Talk about the level of the violence, the numbers of people who are dead. And is it possible we’re talking about the numbers dead equal to the height of the Iraq War under President Bush?
WILLIAM DUNLOP: Over the course of this year, there’s been a sharp increase in violence compared to the previous several years, in which there was a fairly steady decline in the number of people killed. This has especially been the case since April, after a security forces raid on an anti-government protest site in the north, in which dozens of people were killed in clashes. Death tolls spiked after that raid and have remained at a highly elevated level for the remainder of the year.
The tolls we’re seeing this year are currently around the levels of seen in 2008, so not quite the worst years of the Iraq War, which were 2006, 2007, the height of the sectarian killings that took place here, but approaching that level and, ultimately, a level of violence that has not been seen since near the height of America’s military presence in Iraq. So now Iraqi security forces are effectively left to face this heightened violence alone.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, William Dunlop, what’s been the impact on the ability of the government to function or to provide basic services to its people? There are elections coming up in April. What’s going to be the impact on that?
WILLIAM DUNLOP: In terms of basic services, they remain severely lacking, both in terms of clean water and electricity, throughout the country. It’s not necessarily—violence is not the only issue that’s impacting that; corruption and delays in building up the power grid are also affecting those services.
As far as generally functioning, most of the government is headquartered in the Green Zone, which is a highly secure area in central Baghdad, so its most high-ranking officials are effectively shielded from the impact of violence by working in this area. Nonetheless, there has been severe political deadlock plaguing the country, you could say, since—for several years now. Major legislation has languished in Parliament. Not much has been done on a governmental level.
There are parliamentary elections coming up on April 30th. Depending on the results, that could result in some changes in the Cabinet and potentially as—in prime minister, as well. However, after the preceding elections in 2010, it took almost nine months for a government to be formed, and if that happens again, that’s only going to add to the instability.
AMY GOODMAN: Christian communities in Iraq celebrated Christmas Eve mass in Baghdad Tuesday. The service was also attended by Iraq’s leader of the Islamic Supreme Council, Ammar al-Hakim.
AMMAR AL-HAKIM: [translated] They are targeting us as they are targeting you, too, because in this country there are those who believe in killing all those that will disagree with them. They think that the people should think in the same way and with one logic. You can see there are Shiite and Sunni Muslims who disagree with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, al-Qaeda and other extremist groups, and they are killed. You’re a target for them, and therefore we are partners in our shared goals and in the challenge. And we will remain partners in confronting extremism, violence and terrorism.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the significance of who was coming together? And also, what is the cause of the violence, William Dunlop?
WILLIAM DUNLOP: Generally, it’s—there are two main factors that have contributed to the rise in violence this year. One is primarily internal, which is widespread discontent among Iraq’s minority Sunni Arab community, who complain of being marginalized economically and politically by the Shiite-led government, and additionally of being unjustly targeted with heavy-handed security measures such as mass arrests and closing off of neighborhoods. That is creating a lot of anger among that community, sparked protests that have continued for almost a year. And ultimately, that level of anger has made it easier for militant groups to operate in certain Sunni areas. Additionally, it has eased recruitment for these groups and provided an additional motivation for them to carry out attacks.
There’s also an external factor, which is the civil war in Syria, which has seen various hardline jihadist-type groups establish bases in rebel-held areas. Senior Iraqi security officials are also saying that that conflict has resulted in guns and fighters moving back and forth across the border areas in western Iraq and also the re-establishment of some al-Qaeda bases that had been abandoned in previous years.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We’re also joined by Raed Jarrar in—from Washington, D.C., Iraqi-American blogger and analyst. Could you tell us what your sense is of this astonishing rise in the violence in Iraq?
RAED JARRAR: I don’t think many Iraqis are surprised because the levels of violence are up again, because the reasons for violence existed all along and have not been addressed adequately by the current Iraqi authorities. So, people expect—in Iraq, they expect to see some periods of less violence and periods of more violence. But as your other guest indicated, violence is only one indicator of the failure of the Iraqi government. There are many other indicators that Iraqis live on a daily basis, including the complete collapse of the infrastructure, the unprecedented levels of political and financial corruptions in the country. Iraq is still among the top five most corrupt countries in the world, according to Transparency International. So, the reasons of the violence that were installed in Iraq after the U.S. invasion of 2003, by creating a sectarian government, have not been addressed. And I think as long as Iraq continues to have this sectarian dysfunctional government, the country will continue to go through these cycles of violence.
AMY GOODMAN: Last month, the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, asked the United States to provide more military aid, including weapons, to help combat Iraq’s worst violence in five years. He was speaking at the United States Institute for Peace.
PRIME MINISTER NOURI AL-MALIKI: [translated] We do not tell the world to stand by us and support us. Rather, we have a right to ask of the world because we are part of them, and because if what happens in Iraq is not dealt with, it will expand. And what happens in Syria, if not dealt with, will also expand. And what happens in any country where the virus of terrorism lives, this virus will spread.
AMY GOODMAN: The U.S. and Iraqi government officials said about 75 Hellfire air-to-ground missiles have been sent to Iraq, also an additional shipment of unmanned ScanEagle surveillance drones also expected. Raed Jarrar, what about the significance of this and the U.S. relationship with the Iraqi government?
RAED JARRAR: This is one of the most puzzling geopolitical realities. The U.S. has been funding and training and supporting the same government that has been funded and trained by Iran. So, unlike other parts of the Middle East where Iran and the United States have somewhat of a proxy war—like in Lebanon, for example, where the U.S. funds and supports opponents of those parties funded by Iran—in Iraq, both governments, the American—the United States and the Iranian governments, have been supporting the same leaders in Iraq.
And I think that the most recent shipment of weapons reaffirms this strategic alliance between the U.S. and Iran inside Iraq, betting on the same horses. I think this, in addition to the most recent agreements between the U.S. and the Syrian government and the U.S. and the Iranian government, or at least the negotiations, are sending very alarming messages to the region that the U.S. will continue to take sides within domestic conflicts. And in Iraq, it seems that the U.S. will continue to support the Iraqi government that has been accused for years of being behind torture and assassinations and the killing its own people.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Raed, what do you make of the issue of the neighboring civil war in Syria and its impact on the escalating violence in Iraq?
RAED JARRAR: I mean, it’s—the situation in Syria is so close to Iraq that I don’t think the word "neighboring," you know, explains it anymore. It’s all in the same conflict now. This is turning into one huge regional conflict. And as your other guest indicated, the events in Syria are affecting the bordering areas in Iraq. Because of many of the new political realities in the region, unfortunately, many Iraqis and Syrians and others in the Arab world are identifying more with their sectarian background than their national background. So you find many Iraqi Sunnis who will identify more now with a Syrian Sunni than with an Iraqi Shia. And in reality, this is the new map that is being drawn in the region.
So what’s going on in Syria has direct implications on the situation in Iraq. Iraq is heavily involved in the Syrian conflict. The Iraqi government, through the Iranian government, has been supporting the Syrian government against the uprising. The, of course, Iraqi—the majority of Iraqi Sunnis are not happy about the Iraqi government’s support to Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And this is creating more conflict inside the country. So this is turning into one large sectarian regional conflict that spreads all the way from Iran to Lebanon. Even this morning’s explosion in Beirut falls within these new fault lines.
AMY GOODMAN: Last week, Democracy Now! spoke to Patrick Cockburn, Middle East correspondent for The Independent of Britain. He talked about Saudi Arabia’s role in the various conflicts in the Middle East.
PATRICK COCKBURN: Saudi Arabia has, through a distribution of arms contracts, through its money, sort of made itself part of the international establishment, in which normally foreign leaders visiting Saudi Arabia are—don’t bring up these delicate topics and put very little pressure on the Saudis to do anything about it. But, you know, it is one of the—it enables the Saudis to really go on supporting jihadi organizations at the state or private level, in the same way that they were doing in Afghanistan, post-Afghanistan, when they supported the Taliban, before 9/11, after 9/11, during Iraq, after Iraq.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, what about that, Will Dunlop in Baghdad, the role of Saudi Arabia? And I’d also like to get Raed Jarrar’s comment.
WILLIAM DUNLOP: Neighboring countries definitely have an impact on what’s going on in Iraq. It’s sometimes hard to pinpoint who is directly providing financing to any specific groups, however.
AMY GOODMAN: Raed, the role of Saudi Arabia?
RAED JARRAR: I mean, it’s more complicated than the conventional wisdom in the U.S., I think, especially after the coup in Egypt, where Saudi Arabia funded a coup d’état against what seems to be a Sunni religious regime in Egypt. I mean, conventional wisdom would have concluded that Saudi Arabia would support the Muslim Brotherhood rather than conspire to bring them down. So, the Saudi role in the region is prominent. It is a major player. But they have so many other geopolitical calculations, including keeping them as the main leader of Sunnis as an authority, the main authority of Sunnis. So sometimes it ends up being more of a competition between them and other Sunni Arab groups in the region. The Saudi role in Iraq hasn’t been as prominent as the Iranian or American roles in Iraq, not even close to that. So they haven’t been really supporting the Iraqi major Sunni groups or funding them the same way that Iran has been funding their allies or the U.S. funding its allies. So it’s a little bit more exaggerated in Iraq, but of course it is one of the main regional players.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Raed, what do you see as the prospects for some kind of relative peace—we’re not talking about absolute peace here, but some kind of relative peace—in Iraq right now? What would have to happen to sharply diminish the escalating violence that’s occurring now?
RAED JARRAR: I mean, that’s the $1 million question. I think, a few years ago, many people, including myself, advocated for a swift end of the U.S. military intervention and occupation. And many people cautioned that the longer the U.S. military intervention continues in Iraq, the more tragic the consequences would be. Unfortunately, by the time that the U.S. left in 2011, after more than 20 years of military intervention—this is a military intervention that started in January of 1991 and did not end until December 2011—the country has been destroyed completely. And the effects of the U.S. military intervention can be still felt until today.
So I think we need a very dramatic change of the foundation of the governance in Iraq to stop violence there—actually, the governance in the entire region. We’re dealing with a wave of sectarian politics that might redraw a new map of the region, a map that is not based on the current nation-state lines that were drawn in 1916 and 1920, but a map that is based on sectarian and religious affiliations. So these are way larger. These are, you know, huge forces that take decades to change—people’s national identities, people’s political belonging, you know, massive movements of transfer, of migrations of people. So, unfortunately, there is no silver bullet to end violence. And it seems that the upcoming years will be even more violent than what we’ve seen.
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask you about this top story that’s happening in Lebanon, Raed. You just alluded to it before. The victims—top target in Lebanon, Mohamad Chatah, seems to have been killed, along with a number others, Lebanon’s former foreign minister. Chatah was an aide to former Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri and a vocal critic of Bashar al-Assad. And Saad al-Hariri was the son of Rafiq al-Hariri, who was assassinated, the former prime minister of Lebanon. Talk about the significance of this.
RAED JARRAR: It’s a very symbolic attack. The assassination happened a few yards away from the assassination of Saad al-Hariri’s father a few years ago, the same location of Beirut. The assassination of the former minister, Chatah, who was assassinated this morning, is more symbolic, because he is the least protected member of that team. He doesn’t have the same type of security, because he’s a former member of the government. It was easier for whomever assassinated him to kill him there. I think it is seen overall as another escalation, and many people are reading it as a political message, following the attack on the Iranian embassy in Beirut. So, these car bombs are turning into political messagings. You know, one bomb attacks an embassy. A couple of weeks after that, one bomb kills a former minister. So, it’s really ugly. Many people are comparing what’s going on now to the Lebanese civil war, where political messages are starting to be sent through car bombs rather than TV channels.
AMY GOODMAN: Raed Jarrar, I want to thank you for being with us, Iraqi-American blogger and analyst, and Will Dunlop, for joining us from Baghdad, AFP correspondent there. We’ll link to your reports. Please be safe.
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. When we come back, the bonuses that are going to bankers in the United States. Stay with us.
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How Can the Philippines Recover from Typhoon Haiyan While Forced to Pay Off Ex-Dictator’s Old Debt?
While the Philippines struggles to rebuild after Typhoon Haiyan, the country is being forced to continue paying out billions of dollars in debt to the World Bank and other lenders. Haiyan, the strongest typhoon to ever hit land, affected more than 14 million people in 44 provinces in the central Philippines, killing 6,000, displacing more than four million, leaving nearly 1,800 missing, and damaging about one million homes. On Christmas Eve, the Philippines reached a grim milestone: $1 billion in debt payments since the typhoon hit. Some of those debts are from the corrupt and abusive regime of Ferdinand Marcos, which enjoyed the early backing of the Ronald Reagan administration. During their 20 years in power, the Marcoses embezzled $5 to $10 billion from their people, a debt Filipinos continue to carry today. To explain the debt and how the country is coping after the storm, we are joined by Eric LeCompte, executive director of Jubilee USA Network.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to the Philippines, where the holidays were observed with a mixture of gratitude and somberness, as the country continues to recover from Typhoon Haiyan, which reduced almost everything in its path to rubble two months ago. Haiyan, the strongest typhoon to ever hit land, affected more than 14 million people in 44 provinces in the central Philippines. It killed at least 6,000 people, displaced more than four million residents, and damaged about one million houses, leaving nearly 1,800 people missing.
On Saturday, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited Tacloban, the epicenter of the typhoon, and urged international community to scale up support for Philippines recovery and reconstruction efforts.
SECRETARY-GENERAL BAN KI-MOON: I was deeply moved and also inspired by my visit to Tacloban. People are working hard to recover. We must not allow this to be another forgotten crisis. I urge all donors to add to their already generous response so that we can help communities to build back better and safer.
AMY GOODMAN: That was U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. This week, the U.N. announced an appeal for $800 million in international humanitarian relief. So far, only 30 percent of the target has been met.
Amidst the ongoing crisis, some may be shocked to learn that the Philippines’ debt repayments far overshadow all the Typhoon Haiyan relief assistance to date. On Christmas Eve, the Philippines reached a grim milestone: $1 billion in debt payments since the typhoon hit. Some of those debts are from the corrupt and abusive regime of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, which enjoyed the early backing of the Reagan administration. In the 1980s, the White House described Marcos as, quote, "an old friend and longtime ally." During their 20 years in power, the Marcoses embezzled $5 to $10 billion from their people, according to a joint U.N. and World Bank report. It’s a debt Filipinos continue to carry today.
For more, we go to Washington, D.C., where we’re joined by Eric LeCompte. He is the executive director of Jubilee USA Network.
Eric, welcome to Democracy Now! Talk about this debt and what this means, given how hard hit the Philippines is from the typhoon.
ERIC LECOMPTE: Well, I think, as you explained, the devastation is absolutely horrific on the ground. Six thousand people have died. There’s been economic losses of over $15 billion. And there’s a reality, as 10 to 12 typhoons continue to hit the country every year, they’re unprepared for climate change and future catastrophic typhoons, which are expected to arrive and hit shore over the next 10 years. So when we’re looking at the amount of aid so far, it’s been absolutely incredible how countries around the world have delivered about $350 million in aid, $51 million from the U.S. government alone, but it’s completely dwarfed by the debt payments that are continued to be made by the country of the Philippines. They’re paying down over $60 billion in debt. This year alone, they will pay over $6.7 billion; since the typhoon hit, over a billion dollars. So, we see that the amount of debt is unsustainable. Over 20 percent of the income of the Philippines goes towards paying down the debt.
And what makes this whole situation even worse is that the roots of this debt are from the corrupt regime of Ferdinand Marcos. And, you know, Ferdinand Marcos, under his dictatorship in the Philippines, more than 3,000 people were killed; 35,000 people were tortured. You know, I was 10 years old when finally the nonviolent revolution unseated the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. And I will never forget seeing the television images of Imelda Marcos’s shoe collection of over 3,000 designer pairs of shoes. While the country was in poverty, while people were being tortured, this couple was embezzling between $5 and $10 billion. So, we have to understand that in the current context of what’s happening in the Philippines, that there’s no way the country can get back on its feet without dealing with this unsustainable debt, with its roots in the corrupt Marcos regime.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Eric, your mention of the Marcos regime—I want to turn to an interview that Al Jazeera correspondent Veronica Pedrosa did with Imelda Marcos. This is an excerpt.
VERONICA PEDROSA: He enriched himself, didn’t he?
IMELDA MARCOS: How would he? He was rich.
VERONICA PEDROSA: You were enriching yourselves.
IMELDA MARCOS: He was rich. He was rich when he and I got married. In fact, before he became president, he was number four. And you can see that in an interview in the Reader’s Digest. He was number four in the payment of taxes.
VERONICA PEDROSA: But, Mrs. Marcos, isn’t it true that $10 billion of the Philippine treasury money went missing?
IMELDA MARCOS: It’s not true. It’s not true, because then we—I should have been in jail already. I’ll show you the documents.
VERONICA PEDROSA: Well, where is the money, though, madam? If you—it’s OK, you can—yeah.
IMELDA MARCOS: We have not stolen any money.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Imelda Marcos being interviewed by Veronica Pedrosa of Al Jazeera. I wanted to ask you, the Marcoses have been—were overthrown decades ago, and how is it possible that the debt is still being paid by the Philippine government?
ERIC LECOMPTE: Well, a big part of it is interest rates. So, you know, what we know is that the government, the dictatorship, took out more than $25 billion in loans, that we know of, that we’re aware of, and that the principal of many of those loans have been paid. But what’s remarkable is that the interest rates have grown to such amount that, you know, the loans have continued to grow. I think one of the problems that we’re seeing—and this isn’t a problem that’s just endemic to the Philippines—but the reality of it is, is of this $60 billion of debt, we don’t know completely who it’s owed to, what the $60 billion paid for, what benefits happened from the $60 billion, and, you know, whether or not the government of the Philippines at any time, even recently, has sought approval of its people in order to transact and to be able to take loans.
AMY GOODMAN: Where was the embezzled money? Why can’t it be found?
ERIC LECOMPTE: Well, you know, so—that’s a U.N. and a World Bank report that say from—what their estimates—and their estimates range between $5 billion and $10 billion. I’m sure for many of the listeners of Democracy Now!, there’s quite a difference between $5 billion and $10 billion. It’s astounding that these are just projections. These are just estimates. You know, much of this money was hidden by the Marcos regime. And as the Marcoses fled the Philippines, they certainly took a lot of that money with them.
I think one of the issues that we’re dealing with in the international financial system is also how our financial system supports corruption. Through the use of tax havens, through the use of secret bank accounts, many corrupt officials continue to be able to hide moneys around the world. And I think these are some of the problems that—you know, it’s much bigger than just the Philippines, when we’re counting debt right now in the trillions of dollars around the world, that the financial crisis was caused by high indebtedness, by speculation, and, you know, the international financial system still is not providing rules to deal with these problems.
And when we go back to the Philippines, you know, there still aren’t even rules in place in the Philippines, like in many countries around the world, where a country’s leader needs to seek approval from even their parliament or their congress in order to take out loans and spend that money.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Eric, can you just talk about what you’re calling for?
ERIC LECOMPTE: So, you know, specifically in terms of the Philippines, we join our partners at Jubilee Asia-Pacific and the Freedom from Debt Coalition on the ground in the Philippines, and we’re asking President Jim Kim of the World Bank to immediately have a moratorium on debt payments. The World Bank, as well as the Asian Development Bank, hold the majority of loans in the Philippines right now. So we want a moratorium on the debt.
The second part, which is critical, is there needs to be a public, independent audit. We need to know what the money was spent on, where the money went, how the money was approved, and where the money is now, and actually who all the money is loaned—is owed to. And I think these are critical things in regards to the Philippines.
More broadly, for us at Jubilee USA and our international partners, you know, we want to see debt audits take place around the world. We want to see the implementation of an international bankruptcy process to work out these unsustainable debts. And we want to see basic regulations for responsible lending and borrowing implemented in the international financial system.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And we just have about 20 seconds, and you said that the World Bank has most of the debt, but do you know any of the major U.S. banks that have a portion of the Philippine debt?
ERIC LECOMPTE: So, about 5 percent of the debt right now is either held by the U.S. government or by U.S. banks, again, going back to the Marcos regime. Without an audit, we don’t know the exact breakdowns. So that’s why an audit is so important right now.
AMY GOODMAN: Eric LeCompte, we want to thank you for being with us, executive director of Jubilee USA.
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How Can the Philippines Recover from Typhoon Haiyan While Forced to Pay Off Ex-Dictator's Old Debt?
While the Philippines struggles to rebuild after Typhoon Haiyan, the country is being forced to continue paying out billions of dollars in debt to the World Bank and other lenders. Haiyan, the ... Read More →

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