Holiness Reeducation "(g)Race and Reconciliation" by Greg Arthur for Monday, 2 October 2017

Holiness Reeducation "(g)Race and Reconciliation" by Greg Arthur for Monday, 2 October 2017
This is going to hurt.
It is time to stop and truly pay attention to what is happening around us. It is going to take courage, more honesty that we typically use for our own lives, and patient listening to do the work that we have to do. But, make no question about it, this is work that we absolutely, as the people of God, must do. There is no other way forward. There is no alternative for us. This is the very definition of who we are called to be.
For the next 5 weeks, at Duneland Community Church, we are going to slow down and pay attention to our hurting world. Everywhere around us the divisive realities of racism are festering like an open wound. The pungent smell of putrefaction is making our entire country ill. The wounds are so deep, the pain is so severe, that it feel as if there is no way healing can take place.
At the center of our faith, however, is the reconciling work of grace. Through the cross we have been reconciled to God, united in Christ, across the unbreakable divide of our sin and rebellion. Now we, as the family of God, are a promise to the whole world of the good work of God. We are redeemed in order that we might be hope for a broken world. The level of brokenness around us does not alter our faith or mission any more than the amount of darkness changes the purpose of a light. The darker it grows around us the more we are called to shine forth as the light of truth.
Before we can be good news for the world, a visible demonstration of the unifying and reconciling power of God, we have to confess our own need for healing. God's work of redeeming the world always begins with healing us first. Our journey begins with confession. God must heal the world because we are broken. It is our fault.
This is where it gets especially painful for us. Racism is our fault. We are all participants. We are part of the wretched stink that is making our world ill.
We want it to be someone else's fault. We want to tell each other how we aren't participants in systems of injustice. We are quick to pull out stories of co-workers, and friends of color that prove we aren't racist. But, so long as we live with a posture defined by proving we aren't the problem, pointing out the problems with everyone else, spewing forth uninformed opinion shaped by forces we don't understand, or just pretending like this issue isn't our issue, the world will continue to rot. We have to choose a different path.
So I invite you to join me on this painful but necessary journey of confession and learning. I will share my experiences on this journey here on my blog and on Sundays at DCC through my sermons. I would love to hear your experiences as well. I especially encourage you to do some good reading. Here is a link to books on race that are especially helpful for those of us who are white and are trying to gain a broader perspective on racism.
If you want to join me, as I blog through and discuss some books I am reading check out Tears We Cannot Stop: A Sermon to White America by Michal Eric Dyson and The Next Evangelicalism by Soong-Chan Rah.
May we have the courage to face our brokenness that God in his mercy might remake us by his will, through his Spirit, into the image of his son.
Greg Arthur
Monday, October 2, 2017
Categories: Scripture and Discipleship
URL: http://wp.me/pqY3-WB
-------
Amen and Amen...
-------
17 Books On Race Every White Person Needs To Read

by SADIE TROMBETTA
Despite years of talk about living in a post-racial America, this weekend's violence at the Charlottesville march was a deadly reminder that racism is still alive and well in the modern day United States — and always has been. With images of torch-bearing, weapon-wielding white supremacists, Neo-Nazis, and KKK members filling every television set across the country, it's becoming clear that unless we do something to stop it, the hate and violence emboldened by the current presidential administration will only get worse. A good first step to take? Educating yourself with these books on race all white people should read, because it is up to us to put an end to racism.
When news of violence at the Aug. 11 "Unite the Right" march broke this weekend, people — including many white people — around the country reacted with a mix of shock and doubt. From Twitter to the five o'clock news, from Facebook feeds to the dinner tables across the country, white Americans displayed surprise that that kind of blatant hate, discrimination, and racism was still alive, even growing, in modern America.
But to many POC, it came as no surprise at all, because people of color face the realities of racism and prejudice every day. White Americans, on the other hand, have had the luxury of ignoring a dangerous issue that not only doesn't negatively impact them, but rather benefits them.
In her essay for Vox, "White People: What Is Your Plan for the Trump Presidency?" writer Brittany Packnett explains it in one simple, powerful sentence: "White people must be primarily responsible for what white people cause." And the truth is racism is caused by white people. It is perpetuated and supported by the unjust policies, blind privilege, active ignorance, unchallenged compliance, and blatant inaction of the race that benefits from a divided system.
Before we can challenge racism, before we can dismantle racism, we have to learn to recognize it. We have to develop an understanding of not just the bold acts of racial aggression like we saw this weekend in Charlottesville, but of the daily microaggressions that eventually add up to torch-bearing marchers shouting racists slurs through the streets of America's cities.
Because we can't afford another Charlottesville in our country, here are 17 essential books about race all white people should read. Getting informed is only the first step on a lifetime journey of anti-racism, but it's a necessary one these enlightening reads can help you make.
'White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide' by Carol Anderson, Ph.D.

An unflinching look at America's long history of structural and institutionalized racism, White Rage is a timely and necessary examination of white anger and aggression toward black America. Starting with the 1865 passage of the 13th Amendment and ending with the election of the country's first African American president and the response to Ferguson 2014, acclaimed historian Carol Anderson uses key moments in U.S. history to formulate a new narrative around race, one that unabashedly exposes white America's attempts to slow or stop progress in black America. A compelling look at American history, White Ragehas never seemed more relevant than it does in today.
Click here to buy.
'The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness' by Michelle Alexander

A compelling argument that shows the many ways racial hierarchy still dominates American society, The New Jim Crow is a hard but necessary read. A deep dive into the racial discrimination within our justice system, this must-read guides readers through the many ways in which black Americans are under attack from racist policies and procedures within a system that is meant to protect them. Passionate and engaging, The New Jim Crow will change the way you see race in modern America, and prove to you that our post-racial world is nothing but a myth.
Click here to buy.
'Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America' by Ibram X. Kendi

The winner of the National Book Award in Nonfiction, Stamped from the Beginning should be required reading for anyone who still believes we are living in a post-racial America. In this eye-opening book, author Ibram X. Kendi explains not only the many ways in which racism is alive and well in the United States, but also exactly why it's still a deeply entrenched piece of our nation's identity. A fascinating and disturbing history of discrimination in the U.S., Stamped from the Beginning will expose the hard-to-swallow truth about modern-day racism while providing a kernel of hope for a better, more equal future.
Click here to buy.
'Black Stats: African Americans by the Numbers in the Twenty-first Century' by Monique W. Morris

An easy-to-read, easy-to-understand guide on the real-life experiences of black people in the 21st century, Black Stats shows racial discrimination in the form of facts and figures. A critical look at the quality of African American life, progress toward equality, and the negative impacts of socially unjust policies and discriminatory practices in everything from the government to the entertainment industry, this handy tool disproves the myth that racism in America is dead, while providing the necessary data to take the steps needed to kill it, once and for all.
Click here to buy.
'The Invention of the White Race' by Theodore W. Allen

A groundbreaking examination of the construct 

of race and its origin in America, Theodore W. Allen's The Invention of the White Race is essential reading for anyone interested in dismantling racism from its foundation up. A two-volume work that spans the country's history, from the arrival of Africans in America in 1619 to modern-day race relations, this in-depth study is like an origin story for race, specifically the white race, and the racial discrimination that followed.
Click here to buy.
'Between the World and Me' by Ta-Nehisi Coates

In a letter to his son, acclaimed author Ta-Nahisi Coates tackles some of the most difficult questions about survival, identity, history, and freedom facing black men and women. Drawing from his own experiences as a black man in America, Coates explores the country's fraught past and divisive present in an attempt to shed a light on creating a brighter future. A utterly devastating and affecting read, this book is what Toni Morrison calls "required reading," so you better put it on your list.
Click here to buy.

In Slavery by Another Name, Douglas A. Blackmon shines a spotlight on one of the darkest chapters in American history: the "Age of Neoslavery." Starting after the Emancipation Proclamation and lasting all the way through World War II, this often ignored period saw thousands of black Americans move from slavery in the south to involuntary servitude across the country. Drawing from rich historical records, original documentation, and personal narratives, Blackmon pieces together this disgraceful practice of human labor trafficking, exposing those who benefited from it and celebrating those who fought against it. A shocking but important read, Slavery by Another Name should be required reading in every history class.
Click here to buy.
'Choke Hold: Policing Black Me' by Paul Butler

In the tradition of The New Jim Crow, Paul Butler's explanation of a deeply racially discriminatory justice system with transform the way you think about policing, race relations, and criminal justice. In Choke Hold, the former federal prosecutor turned legal commentator exposes the unjust laws and practices within the justice system that continually treats black men like criminals, thugs, and the enemy of the people. Powerful as it is enlightening, Choke Hold not only sheds a light on a broken system, but also offers recommendations, albeit somewhat controversial, about the different ways in which Americans can take it down.
Click here to buy.
'Yellow: Race in America Beyond Black and White' by Frank H. Wu

When we think about race, so many of us look at the issue in terms of black and white. Fran Wu's Yellow goes beyond those hard lines and explores racial identity and race relations through the perspective of the Asian American experience. From affirmative action and immigration to media representation and globalization, Wu's mix of personal anecdotes and in-depth reporting urges readers to deconstruct the way they think about race and abandon the false divisions that separate us. Thought-provoking and penetrating, Yellow tears down stereotypes and leaves in their place a model for racial progress.
Click here to buy.
'Citizen: An American Lyric' by Claudia Rankine

A gut-wrenching lyrical collection about race, identity, and being black in United States, Claudia Rankine's Citizen: An American Lyric is a must-read for every American citizen trying to understand racial injustice. Using essay, poetry, image, and art, Rankine exposes the racial aggression faced by black people every day, from the slights at the grocery stores to the overt violence in the media, and highlights the ways in which these aggressions hinder an individual's ability to survive. A truly moving book, Citizen will change the way you see black life in America.
Click here to buy.
'Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Inequality in America' by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva

A classic text on the constructs of race and racism, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva's updated edition of Racism Without Racists is an essential read for anyone looking to understand the dangers of color-blind racial ideology. Covering everything from the post-Civil Rights era to the Black Lives Matter movement and the election of Donald Trump, this book exposes and analyzes the many ways racism persists and is practiced in modern America, despite our denial of it. But it doesn't just present the problems, it offers solutions in the form of a guide to navigating away from our deep racial divides and towards equality.
Click here to buy.
'White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son' by Tim Wise

Part memoir, part cultural criticism, part political commentary, Tim Wise's White Like Me is a deeply personal exploration of what it means to be white and benefit from the racial privileges that go along with it. Drawing from his own experiences as white man, Wise looks at how whiteness shapes his daily life, from his education and housing to his employment and economic status, while exposing the ways in which it hurts people of color. Complete with advice and commentary on the best ways white people can challenge their privilege and fight back against racism using their position of power, White Like Me is a call to action all white Americans can learn from.
Click here to buy.
'How Does It Feel to Be a Problem?: Being Young and Arab in America' by Moustafa Bayoumi

If you've ever wanted to walk in someone else's shoes, How Does It Feel to Be a Problem lets you take steps as Arab- and Muslim-Americans, exposing the discrimination, prejudice, and injustice they face in their everyday lives. Drawing from the experiences of seven twenty-something year old Arab-Americans living in Brooklyn, author and scholar Moustafa Bayoumi gives a voice to an often oppressed and ignored population of men and women who are trying to come of age in a country that sees them as not just other, but as the enemy. Smart, sensitive, and thought-provoking, How Does It Feel to Be a Problem? is a fascinating and hopeful read.
Click here to buy.
Tears We Cannot Stop: A Sermon to White America' by Michael Eric Dyson

A beautiful mix of personal anecdote and cultural criticism, Michael Eric Dyson's Tears We Cannot Stop is a powerful appeal to Americans, especially white Americans, to not only own the racial issues facing the country today, but address them with force and urgency. Deeply emotional and unapologetically honest, this frank discussion on the racial divides in the United States is at once uncomfortable, educational, and inspiring. A must-read for white Americans looking to understand the the racial issues that divide us, and threaten our future.
Click here to buy.
'The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America' by Richard Rothstein

A fascinating book about the government's role in segregating the country, The Color of Law exposes the unjust and often untold history of housing policy, city planning, and racial zoning that became the foundation on which discriminatory practices in America were built on. Starting in the 1920s, author and historian Richard Rothstein chronicles the practices — segregated public housing, racial zoning, the destruction of integrated neighborhoods — that became the foundation of the racial unrest facing black neighborhoods, like in Baltimore and Ferguson, in the modern-day United States. A stunning history of the racial divides in metropolitan America and how they got there, The Color of Lawmakes clear the undeniable connection between discriminatory laws and policies enforced by the government and the long-reaching grasp of discrimination still alive today.
Click here to buy.
'The History of White People' by Nell Irvin Painter

In The History of White People, celebrated historian Nell Irvin Painter goes beneath the skin and explores the many ways whiteness has been constructed as a sign of power, control, wealth, beauty, and dominance throughout history and across cultures. Tracing over two thousand years of Western civilization, from the Greek and Romans to 20th-century America, this in-depth exploration of the idea of race exposes the economic, political, social, and scientific systems that formed and continue to define the invention of the white race, and how those systems continue to oppress anyone considered "other." Featuring famous figures throughout history, The History of White People is an eye-opening and engaging look at the constructs of race and what they mean today.
Click here to buy.
'They Can't Kill Us All: Ferguson, Baltimore, and a New Era in America's Racial Justice Movement' by Wesley Lowery

An essential book about the intersection of police violence and race, Wesley Lowery's heavily researched and deeply reported book sheds a clarifying light onto one of the most polarizing topics in America today: the shooting of black Americans by white cops. In They Can't Kill Us All, Lowery, a Washington Post reporter, draws from hundreds of interviews from across the country, from friends and family members of Michael Brown and other shooting victims to community organizers and local activists, to paint a heartbreaking portrait of racial injustice and those fighting against it. A well-balanced work of statistics and personal anecdote, They Can't Kill Us All is more than just information, but heart.
Click here to buy.
-------
RECONCILIATION, RACIAL & ETHNIC
Drew G.I. Hart: Changing the way the church views racism

Christians need to adopt a deeper, more complex understanding of how race shapes our lives and communities, says the author and theologian in this interview. And to resist racism, we need to ‘recover’ Jesus, taking Christ and Scripture seriously.
The church in the United States has had a long and troubled history with race and racism. And though most people today agree that racism is bad, many Christians still operate out of deeply held social intuitions -- basically, gut feelings -- about race, shaped by the broader culture and even Christian culture, says Drew G.I. Hart.
“We all have to take responsibility as a society,” Hart said. “Maybe we’re not overt about it, but we’re all participating in a racialized society in which none of us have our hands clean.”
An assistant professor of theology at Messiah College, Hart is the author of “Trouble I’ve Seen: Changing the Way the Church Views Racism,” published in January by Herald Press. In the book, Hart urges the church to move from a “thin” account of race and racism to a “thicker,” more complex understanding that acknowledges how race shapes our lives and communities.
“We’re all navigating race and racism every day,” he said. “The question is, are we doing it faithfully? Are we aware of this long narrative of history that shapes our lives, and are we resisting it in a way that honors Jesus Christ?”
Though it may sound simple and pious, one of the most important ways Christians can resist racism is to “recover” Jesus, taking Jesus and Scripture seriously, he said.
Drew GI Hart_mug.jpg

“If we begin to take seriously this story of Israel, fulfilled in the story of Jesus, it really disrupts the white supremacist narrative,” Hart said. “You can’t live into that and follow Jesus faithfully.”
Hart has a B.A. in biblical studies from Messiah College, an M.Div. from Biblical Seminary, and a Ph.D. in theology and ethics from Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. This fall, he will begin teaching full time as an assistant professor of theology at Messiah College.
Hart was at Duke Divinity School recently to teach a seminar at the Summer Institute for Reconciliation(link is external) and spoke with Faith & Leadership. The following is an edited transcript.
Q: To start, tell us about your book, “Trouble I’ve Seen: Changing the Way the Church Views Racism.”(link is external)
I wrote it after I finished my Ph.D. comprehensive exams. Instead of starting my dissertation, I wrote that book.
It was after Michael Brown’s killing in Ferguson, Missouri, and the protests that arose. I wanted to speak to the church about what was going on and to give both a social and a theological framework for entering into these conversations.
The book tries to move the church from having a thin definition of racism to a thicker definition that understands racial hierarchy and what that actually means every day -- how our society is racialized, and how that shapes our lives and our communities.
I wanted to give the church a theological way of thinking about this. How do we reflect on the story of Jesus and maybe respond a little bit more faithfully as a church than we have in the past?
Q: How has the church viewed racism historically?
It’s complicated. Today, everyone agrees that racism is bad, but how we even define racism is often so slim. We’re usually talking about the “bad” people, people “out there” -- the KKK and people who are engaging in overt racism.
What I’m trying to do is not to see racism as a problem that’s “out there.” We all live in a society that has shaped us unconsciously in ways that we can’t even begin to imagine until we take the time to do some deep self-examination and serious reflection on America’s past and present.
A few years ago, for example, Paula Deen said some really ugly stuff. Well, it was interesting watching how people responded. Almost everybody wagged their finger -- “Bad Paula Deen!” But they did it in such a way that she’s this isolated problem, rather than realizing that Paula Deen was socialized by communities.
She didn’t create this stuff; she didn’t invent this. She was shaped by communities that socialized her way of thinking and acting and speaking.
We all have to take responsibility as a society. Maybe we’re not overt about it, but we’re all participating in a racialized society in which none of us have our hands clean.
We’re all navigating race and racism every day. The question is, are we doing it faithfully? Are we aware of this long narrative of history that shapes our lives, and are we resisting it in a way that honors Jesus Christ?
Q: So what’s been the relationship between church and race in the United States?
On one hand, very early, some deep theological work was done to help foster and justify race and racism and the system of slavery.
At the same time, African Christians were reinterpreting the life of Jesus and the significance of Jesus in a very different way. They knew that Jesus was not endorsing slavery but was a liberator and a friend of those who suffer, someone who came alongside them in the midst of hard times.
So there have always been these differences. There are these ebbs and flows and challenges and contradictions deeply embedded in American Christian faith as it relates to race and racism.
But overall, the dominant narrative of race and racism and the church is a very ugly one. Very few traditions have been able to sustain an ongoing community generation after generation that doesn’t just go with their gut about race. And by that I mean the socialized intuitions around race and racism.
Most people can agree that from 1619, when the first Africans were brought over, up until the mid-20th century, most white Americans had been socialized in such a way that they did not recognize racial injustice and oppression. But today we look back and we’re like, “Oh yeah, they were missing it, right?”
That’s not really controversial.
But today we are still in the same situation. Many Christians still operate out of their social intuitions around race and racism, shaped by the broader culture, or sometimes by Christian cultures. They still just go with their gut.
That is an opportunity for us to think about the life of Jesus. It’s a different way of engaging the world and seeing the issues when we explore the world from the vantage point of the crucified Christ. And it’s a very different posture entering into these conversations as the church.
Too often in America, the church is caught in these patterns rather than being the one breaking out of the patterns and bearing witness to the kingdom of God on earth.
Q: You said you want the church to move from a thin to a thicker account of race. What’s the thin account and what’s the thick?
The thin account is the very individualistic framework of race and racism. It’s, I don’t like somebody because they’re black, or whatever their skin color is.
We have in our minds, again, the KKK and cross burnings and stuff. We think that’s what racism is, this very static understanding of racism. It’s very individualistic; it’s about personal prejudice or hatred from one person to another.
A thicker definition, for me, would be to take seriously the development of race over time in history.
Why was it constructed? What was it doing? What were the sociopolitical ramifications, the economic ramifications? How did it classify people into hierarchies? How is it a widespread phenomenon?
That’s a much thicker definition that engages and is in conversation with the sociology department -- not just thinking individualistically, but trying to stretch our minds to think about the social ramifications of race and racism.
It’s also, really, at the end of the day, taking seriously people’s experiences and listening to those stories and stepping back and making sense of the realities that people confront every day as it relates to even simple things like housing, education, jobs and opportunities.
It’s broadening our understanding that racism isn’t always mean people doing things; it’s not always overt racial prejudice. There are all these other forces at work in our society and in our lives that we’re sometimes unconscious of.
Q: Is it possible to talk about racism in the United States and the church without talking about white supremacy? Aren’t racism and white supremacy two sides of the same coin?
Once we get that thicker understanding of race and racism, it forces us to talk about racial hierarchy -- which is to say that race was never a neutral term.
Race was something that was constructed, a humanly constructed idea. It’s not the same thing as talking about ethnicity; it’s not a natural, biological category.
In Europe, especially during modernity, people tried to classify humanity as they observed it from their vantage point. They thought they were being objective, and they tried to classify it just like they classified everything else. It was a pseudoscientific imagination being played out as they encountered for the first time what they thought were new worlds.
But this racial hierarchy is not neutral; it was always about white supremacy.
It’s imagining white as everything good and right and beautiful in the world; the most central component of the racial hierarchy has often been anti-blackness.
And the hierarchy is not static but dynamic. It plays out in different ways in different regions.
So yes, we have to be able to talk about white supremacy. The goal of race was always either to give white people social dominance or, at the very least, to give a psychological edge to poor white people who are being crushed by some of these same systems.
Not everyone is really participating in the dominance. But certainly, everybody’s being shaped by how it’s informing their identity in the world and how they see other human beings -- the kind of belonging that they’re able to have with other people, and who they can’t imagine belonging with.
Q: And as you said, the hierarchy, with its categories, is dynamic and changing. Different ethnic groups come to America, and the definition of “white” changes.
Yes. At the center, in its origins in America, are Anglo-Saxon Protestants. So if you were Italian or Irish, you were not white. Read Thomas Jefferson and Ben Franklin; they’re making fun of even Germans.
We don’t realize how arbitrary and malleable and dynamic these categories are. They’re changing over time and according to the whims of the majority.
Race actually changes and expands and thins out. Who’s in and who’s out changes. These are not as fixed as we imagine them to be as categories.
On one hand, they’re socially constructed; on the other hand, they’re lived realities that we have to embody.
So sometimes we can’t make sense of the two at the same time. Either we only think about it as our lived reality or we only think of it as a social construct. But they’re actually both simultaneously.
Race is very real, like this table is real. But race is also constructed; it’s a lie, in terms of the biological claims and differences in humanity. It’s a lie, but it does shape our lives.
So we have to account for those realities and figure out, where do we go as Christians moving forward?
Q: So what’s the role of the church in this? How do you change the way the church views racism?
One is creating communities where we have space to have open, honest, truthful dialogue. Often, churches are very monological. There’s no space for that kind of engagement -- to be truthful and work through stuff in community.
Absent that, it’s very hard to change, unless the person who’s controlling the monologue is open to engaging in these conversations.
Having a dialogical community is important. But more important is to recover Jesus.
That sounds kind of simple and kind of pious. But I really believe we’ve so domesticated and distorted Jesus to the point that this man that was a Jew living in first-century Palestine eventually becomes the possession of the West.
He becomes a figure that is possessed and controlled by the West itself, and loses his relationship both to what it meant to be a part of the covenants of Israel and to what Willie James Jennings talks about in “The Christian Imagination”(link is external) as [our forgotten] Gentile identity and how we enter in the story.
It is very important for us to recover our own sense of Gentile-ness, so to speak, as we approach Jesus and Scripture and Israel’s story. Communities that have seen themselves as the new Israel and the saviors to the world -- all of a sudden, we’re displaced and instead are Gentiles being engrafted into somebody else’s story.
And that requires us to take somebody else’s story seriously and see that in entering somebody else’s story, there’s grace, rather than feeling like everyone’s got to come through us and become like us to meet Jesus.
So that’s one aspect.
Another is to read our Scriptures a little more seriously and maybe a little bit more subversively. There’s something subversive about what happens when you read the narrative as a whole, particularly when you read it through the lens of Jesus Christ.
It’s interesting. How is Jesus reading Scripture as he sees the prophets playing a particular role in interpreting the meaning of Israel’s story and what God intended? You have a very radical understanding of this God who has always sided with the poor and the oppressed, the widow and the orphan, the marginalized, and who calls even Israel to remember when they were once enslaved.
And this prophetic tradition is fulfilled in the story of Jesus as he comes alongside the poor masses, vulnerable women, the Samaritans. Those are the folks he clings to, those who are sick and have no access to the rest of society. He says the least, the last and the lost are the folks who are going to have a privileged space around God’s kingdom.
So if we begin to take seriously this story of Israel, fulfilled in the story of Jesus, it really disrupts the white supremacist narrative. You can’t live into that and follow Jesus faithfully.
It disrupts even our sense of American exceptionalism and how we engage around the world. All these things, these narratives that we live by, get disrupted by the story of Jesus when that becomes our own story.
Certainly, we like to call ourselves a Christian nation, and people are quick to name Jesus -- “Yeah, I love Jesus.”
That’s great, but we don’t necessarily want to follow Jesus and take Jesus seriously. We’ll skirt Jesus at every opportunity when it disrupts our own narratives.
Q: Where do you see that most vividly in Scripture in Jesus -- the subversiveness that you’re talking about?
I love the four Gospels. I feel like they get so neglected.
Each of them presents this Messiah that really flips the world upside down. All four together give us a vivid portrait of who Jesus is that really brings him to life in a way that the domesticated version of him can no longer remain.
It’s really about embodying and making the story of Jesus visible, both in our individual lives and then fleshing that out in community.
-------
Racism in the United States
Part of a series of articles on
Racial segregation

• South Africa
• Apartheid legislation
• Bantustan
• Bantu Education Act
• Group Areas Acts
• Pass laws
• United States
• Separate but equal
• Sundown town
• Black Codes
• Jim Crow laws
• Auto-segregation
• Residential segregation
• Housing segregation
• Blockbusting
• Racial steering
• Redlining
• School segregation
• Segregation academy
• Black school

Racism in the United States has been widespread since the colonial era. Legally or socially sanctioned privileges and rights were given to White Americans but denied to Native Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Hispanic and Latino Americans. European Americans (particularly the affluent White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) were granted exclusive privileges in matters of education, immigration, voting rights, citizenship, land acquisition, and criminal procedure over periods of time extending from the 17th century to the 1960s. However, non-Protestant immigrants from Europe; particularly Irish people, Poles, and Italians, suffered xenophobic exclusion and other forms of ethnicity-based discrimination in American society, were vilified as racially inferior, and were not considered fully white. In addition, Middle Eastern American groups like Jews and Arabs have faced continuous discrimination in the United States, and as a result, some people belonging to these groups do not identify as white. East and South Asians have similarly faced racism in America.
Major racially and ethnically structured institutions included slavery, segregation, the American Indian Wars, Native American reservations, Native American boarding schools, immigration and naturalization law and internment camps.[1] Formal racial discrimination was largely banned in the mid-20th century, and came to be perceived as socially unacceptable and/or morally repugnant as well. Racial politics remains a major phenomenon, and racism continues to be reflected in socioeconomic inequality.[2][3] Racial stratification continues to occur in employment, housing, education, lending, and government.
In the view of the U.S. Human Rights Network, a network of scores of U.S. civil rights and human rights organizations, "Discrimination in the United States permeates all aspects of life and extends to all communities of color".[4] While the nature of the views held by average Americans have changed much over the past several decades, surveys by organizations such as ABC News have found that, even recently, large sections of Americans self-admit to holding discriminatory viewpoints; for example, a 2007 article by the organization stated that about one in ten admitted to holding prejudices against Hispanic and Latino Americans and about one in four did so regarding Arab-Americans.[5]

1African Americans

1.1Pre-Civil War

1.1.1Atlantic slave trade

1.1.2Steps toward abolition of slavery

1.2Reconstruction Era to World War II

1.2.1Reconstruction Era

1.2.2Post-Reconstruction Era

1.2.3The Great Migration

1.3World War II to Civil Rights Era

1.4Present

2Asian Americans

3Non-Anglo Europeans

4Latin Americans

5Middle Eastern and South Asian Americans

5.1Arab Americans

5.2Iranian Americans

5.3Antisemitism

5.3.1New antisemitism

5.4Antiziganism

6Native Americans

6.1Reservation marginalization

6.2Assimilation

7Consequences

7.1Developmental

7.2Societal

7.2.1Schemas and stereotypes

7.2.2Formal discrimination

7.2.3Minority-minority racism

7.2.4Interpersonal discrimination

7.3Institutional

7.3.1Immigration

7.3.2Wealth

7.3.3Health care

7.3.4Politics

7.3.5Justice system

8Contemporary issues

8.1Hate crimes

8.2Hateful views

9Alleviation

10See also

11References

African Americans[edit]
Main article: African-American history
Pre-Civil War[edit]
Atlantic slave trade[edit]

Reproduction of a handbill advertising a slave auction in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1769.
While the existence of slavery is arguably the root of subsequent conceptualizations of African-Americans, the origins of African enslavement have a large economic foundation. Among the European elite who structured national policy throughout the age of the Atlantic system of trade, there existed a popular ideology called mercantilism, or the belief that policy pursuits were centralized around military power and economic wealth. Colonies were sources of mineral wealth and crops, to be used to the home country's advantage.[6] Using Europeans for labor proved unsustainably expensive, as well as harmful to the supply of labor in the home countries. However, African slaves were "available in large numbers at prices that made plantation agriculture in the Americas profitable".[7]
It is also argued that, along with the economic motives underlying slavery in the Americas, European world schemas played a large role in the enslavement of Africans. According to this view, the European in-group for humane behavior included the sub-continent, while African and American Indian cultures had a more localized definition of "an insider". While neither schema has inherent superiority, the technological advantage of Europeans became a resource to disseminate the conviction that underscored their schemas, that non-Europeans could be enslaved. With the capability to spread their schematic representation of the world, Europeans could impose a social contract, morally permitting three centuries of African slavery. While the disintegration of this social contract by the eighteenth century led to abolitionism, it is argued that the removal of barriers to "insider status" is a very slow process, uncompleted even today (2015).[8]
As a result of the above, the Atlantic slave trade prospered. According to estimates in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, between 1626 and 1860 more than 470,000 slaves were forcibly transported from Africa to what is now the United States.[9][10] Prior to the Civil War, eight serving presidents owned slaves, a practice protected by the U.S. Constitution.[11] Providing wealth for the white elite, approximately one Southern family in four held slaves prior to the Civil War. According to the 1860 U.S. census, there were about 385,000 slaveowners out of a white population in the slave states of approximately 7 million.[12][13]
Steps toward abolition of slavery[edit]

Scars of a whipped slave, April 2, 1863, Baton Rouge, Louisiana
In the early part of the 19th century, a variety of organizations were established advocating the movement of black people from the United States to locations where they would enjoy greater freedom; some endorsed colonization, while others advocated emigration. During the 1820s and 1830s the American Colonization Society(A.C.S.) was the primary vehicle for proposals to return black Americans to greater freedom and equality in Africa,[14] and in 1821 the A.C.S. established the colony of Liberia, assisting thousands of former African-American slaves and free black people (with legislated limits) to move there from the United States. The colonization effort resulted from a mixture of motives with its founder Henry Claystating, "unconquerable prejudice resulting from their color, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to drain them off".[15]

Advertisement by a slave trader offering various amounts for slaves in Lexington, Kentucky, 1853
Although in 1820 the Atlantic slave trade was equated with piracy, punishable by death,[16] the practice of chattel slavery existed for the next half century. The domestic slave trade was a major economic activity in the U.S. which lasted until the 1860s.[17] Enslaved family members would be split up never to see each other again.[17] Between 1830 and 1840 nearly 250,000 slaves were taken across state lines.[17] In the 1850s more than 193,000 were transported, and historians estimate nearly one million in total took part in the forced migration.[17]

Ashley's Sack is a cloth that recounts a slave sale separating a mother and her daughter. The sack belonged to a nine-year-old girl Ashley which was a parting gift from her mother, Rose, after Ashley had been sold. Rose filled the sack with a dress, braid of her hair, pecans, and "my love always"
The historian Ira Berlin called this forced migration of slaves the "Second Middle Passage", because it reproduced many of the same horrors as the Middle Passage (the name given to the transportation of slaves from Africa to North America). These sales of slaves broke up many families, with Berlin writing that whether slaves were directly uprooted or lived in fear that they or their families would be involuntarily moved, "the massive deportation traumatized black people."[18] Individuals lost their connection to families and clans. Added to the earlier colonists combining slaves from different tribes, many ethnic Africans lost their knowledge of varying tribal origins in Africa. Most were descended from families who had been in the U.S. for many generations.[17]

Slaves Waiting for Sale: Richmond, Virginia. 1853
All slaves in only the areas of the Confederate States of America that were not under direct control of the United States government were declared free by the Emancipation Proclamation, which was issued on January 1, 1863, by President Abraham Lincoln.[19]While personally opposed to slavery, Lincoln believed that the Constitution did not give Congress the power to end slavery, stating in his first Inaugural Address that he "had no objection to [this] being made express and irrevocable" via the Corwin Amendment.[20] On social and political rights for blacks, Lincoln stated, "I am not, nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people, I as much as any man am in favor of the superior position assigned to the white race."[21] The Emancipation Proclamation did not apply to areas loyal to, or controlled by, the Union. Slavery was not actually abolished in the U.S. until the passage of the 13th Amendment which was declared ratified on December 6, 1865.[22]
About four million black slaves were freed in 1865. Ninety-five percent of blacks lived in the South, comprising one third of the population there as opposed to one percent of the population of the North. Consequently, fears of eventual emancipation were much greater in the South than in the North.[23] Based on 1860 census figures, 8% of males aged 13 to 43 died in the civil war, including 6% in the North and 18% in the South.[24]
Reconstruction Era to World War II[edit]
Main articles: Nadir of American race relations and Mass racial violence in the United States
Reconstruction Era[edit]

The mob-style lynching of Will James, Cairo, Illinois, 1909. A crowd of ten thousand watched the lynching.[25]
After the Civil War, the 13th amendment in 1865, formally abolishing slavery, was ratified. Furthermore, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which broadened a range of civil rights to all persons born in the United States. Despite this, the emergence of "Black Codes", sanctioned acts of subjugation against blacks, continued to bar African-Americans from due civil rights. The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only, and in 1868 the effort toward civil rights was underscored with the 14th amendment which granted citizenship to blacks.[26] The Civil Rights Act of 1875 followed, which was eliminated in a decision that undermined federal power to thwart private racial discrimination.[27] Nonetheless, the last of the Reconstruction Era amendments, the 15th amendment promised voting rights to African-American men (previously only white men of property could vote), and these cumulative federal efforts, African-Americans began taking advantage of enfranchisement. African-Americans began voting, seeking office positions, utilizing public education. Yet by the end of Reconstruction in the mid 1870s, violent white supremacists came to power via paramilitary groups such as the Red Shirts and the White League and imposed Jim Crow laws that deprived African-Americans of voting rights and instituted systemic discriminatory policies through policies of unequal racial segregation.[28] Segregation, which began with slavery, continued with Jim Crow laws, with signs used to show blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat.[29] For those places that were racially mixed, non whites had to wait until all white customers were dealt with.[29] Segregated facilities extended from white only schools to white only graveyards.[30]
Post-Reconstruction Era[edit]

During the 1921 Tulsa race riot thousands of whites rampaged through the black community, killing men and women, burning and looting stores and homes. Up to 300 blacks were killed.[31]
The new century saw a hardening of institutionalized racism and legal discrimination against citizens of African descent in the United States. Throughout this post Civil War period, racial stratification was informally and systemically enforced, in order to solidify the pre-existing social order. Although technically able to vote, poll taxes, pervasive acts of terror such as lynching in the United States (often perpetrated by groups such as the reborn Ku Klux Klan, founded in the Reconstruction South), and discriminatory laws such as grandfather clauses kept black Americans (and many poor whites) disenfranchised particularly in the South. Furthermore, discrimination extended to state legislation that "allocated vastly unequal financial support" for black and white schools. In addition to this, county officials sometimes redistributed resources earmarked for blacks to white schools, further undermining educational opportunities.[32] In response to de jure racism, protest and lobbyist groups emerged, most notably, the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) in 1909.[33]
This time period is sometimes referred to as the nadir of American race relations because racism, segregation, racial discrimination, and expressions of white supremacy all increased. So did anti-black violence, including race riots such as the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906 and the Tulsa race riot of 1921. The Atlanta riot was characterized by the French newspaper Le Petit Journal as a "racial massacre of negroes".[34] The Charleston News and Courier wrote in response to the Atlanta riots: "Separation of the races is the only radical solution of the negro problem in this country. There is nothing new about it. It was the Almighty who established the bounds of the habitation of the races. The negroes were brought here by compulsion; they should be induced to leave here by persuasion."[35]
The Great Migration[edit]

A group of white men pose for a 1919 photograph as they stand over the black victim Will Brown who had been lynched and had his body mutilated and burned during the Omaha race riot of 1919 in Omaha, Nebraska. Photographs and postcards of lynchings were popular souvenirs in the U.S.[36]
In addition, racism which had been viewed primarily as a problem in the Southern states, burst onto the national consciousness following the Great Migration, the relocation of millions of African Americans from their roots in the Southern states to the industrial centers of the North after World War I, particularly in cities such as Boston, Chicago, and New York (Harlem). Within Chicago, for example, between 1910 and 1970, the percentage of African-Americans leapt from 2.0 percent to 32.7 percent.[37] The demographic patterns of black migrants and external economic conditions are largely studied stimulants regarding the Great Migration.[38] For example, migrating blacks (between 1910 and 1920) were more likely to be literate than blacks that remained in the South. Known economic push factors played a role in migration, such as the emergence of a split labor market and agricultural distress from the boll weevil destruction of the cotton economy.[39]

White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the housing projecterected this sign. Detroit, 1942.
Southern migrants were often treated in accordance with pre-existing racial stratification. The rapid influx of blacks into the North disturbed the racial balance within cities, exacerbating hostility between both black and white Northerners. Stereotypic schemas of Southern blacks were used to attribute issues in urban areas, such as crime and disease, to the presence of African-Americans. Overall, African-Americans in Northern cities experienced systemic discrimination in a plethora of aspects of life. Within employment, economic opportunities for blacks were routed to the lowest-status and restrictive in potential mobility. Within the housing market, stronger discriminatory measures were used in correlation to the influx, resulting in a mix of "targeted violence, restrictive covenants, redlining and racial steering".[40]

A white gang looking for blacks during the Chicago race riot of 1919
Throughout this period, racial tensions exploded, most violently in Chicago, and lynchings—mob-directed hangings, usually racially motivated—increased dramatically in the 1920s. Urban riots—whites attacking blacks—became a northern problem.[41] Many whites defended their space with violence, intimidation, or legal tactics toward African Americans, while many other whites migrated to more racially homogeneous suburban or exurban regions, a process known as white flight.[42]
Elected in 1912, President Woodrow Wilson ordered segregration throughout the federal government.[43] In World War I, blacks served in the United States Armed Forces in segregated units. Black soldiers were often poorly trained and equipped, and were often put on the frontlines in suicide missions. The U.S. military was still heavily segregated in World War II. The air force and the marines had no blacks enlisted in their ranks. There were blacks in the Navy Seabees. In addition, no African-American would receive the Medal of Honor during the war, and black soldiers had to sometimes give up their seats in trains to the Nazi prisoners of war.[44]
World War II to Civil Rights Era[edit]

A black youth at a segregated drinking fountain in Halifax, North Carolina, in 1938.
The Jim Crow Laws were state and local laws enacted in the Southern and border states of the United States and enforced between 1876 and 1965. They mandated "separate but equal" status for black Americans. In reality, this led to treatment and accommodations that were almost always inferior to those provided to white Americans. The most important laws required that public schools, public places and public transportation, like trains and buses, have separate facilities for whites and blacks. State-sponsored school segregation was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. One of the first federal court cases to challenge segregation in schools was Mendez v. Westminster in 1946.

Emmett Till before and after the lynching on August 28, 1955. He was a fourteen-year-old boy in Chicago who went to spend the summer together with his uncle Moses Wright in Money, Mississippi, and was massacred by white men for a whistle of appreciation to a white woman.
By the 1950s, the Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum. Membership in the NAACP increased in states across the U.S. A 1955 lynching that sparked public outrage about injustice was that of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old boy from Chicago. Spending the summer with relatives in Money, Mississippi, Till was killed for allegedly having wolf-whistled at a white woman. Till had been badly beaten, one of his eyes was gouged out, and he was shot in the head before being thrown into the Tallahatchie River, his body weighed down with a 70-pound (32 kg) cotton gin fan tied around his neck with barbed wire. David Jackson writes that Mamie Till, Emmett's Mother, "brought him home to Chicago and insisted on an open casket. Tens of thousands filed past Till’s remains, but it was the publication of the searing funeral image in Jet, with a stoic Mamie gazing at her murdered child’s ravaged body, that forced the world to reckon with the brutality of American racism."[45] News photographs circulated around the country, and drew intense public reaction. The visceral response to his mother's decision to have an open-casket funeral mobilized the black community throughout the U.S.[46] Vann R. Newkirk| wrote "the trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of white supremacy".[46] The state of Mississippi tried two defendants, but they were speedily acquitted by an all-white jury.[47]

The Little Rock Nine black students being escorted up the steps of the desegregated Little Rock Central High School by the Army after the Arkansas National Guard had prevented them from entering. The ordeal of 15 year old Elizabeth Eckford was captured in a photo on the morning of September 4, 1957 where she was followed and threatened by angry white protesters
In response to heightening discrimination and violence, non-violent acts of protest began to occur. For example, in February 1960, in Greensboro, North Carolina, four young African-American college students entered a Woolworth store and sat down at the counter but were refused service. The men had learned about non-violent protest in college, and continued to sit peacefully as whites tormented them at the counter, pouring ketchup on their heads and burning them with cigarettes. After this, many sit-ins took place in order to non-violently protest against racism and inequality. Sit-ins continued throughout the South and spread to other areas. Eventually, after many sit-ins and other non-violent protests, including marches and boycotts, places began to agree to desegregate.[48]

Due to threats and violence against her U.S. Marshals escorted 6 year old Ruby Bridges to and from the previously whites only William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, 1960. As soon as Bridges entered the school, white parents pulled their children out.
The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing marked a turning point during the Civil Rights Era. On Sunday, September 15, 1963 with a stack of dynamite hidden on an outside staircase, Ku Klux Klansmen destroyed one side of the Birmingham church. The bomb exploded in proximity to twenty-six children who were preparing for choir practice in the basement assembly room. The explosion killed four black girls, Carole Robertson (14), Cynthia Wesley (14), Denise McNair (11) and Addie Mae Collins (14).[49][50]

Rosa Parks being fingerprinted by Deputy Sheriff D.H. Lackey after being arrested for not giving up her seat on the bus to a white person
With the bombing occurring only a couple of weeks after Martin Luther King Jr.'s March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, it became an integral aspect of transformed perceptions of conditions for blacks in America. It influenced the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (that banned discrimination in public accommodations, employment, and labor unions) and Voting Rights Act of 1965 which overruled remaining Jim Crow laws. Nonetheless, neither had been implemented by the end of the 1960s as civil rights leaders continued to strive for political and social freedom.

Bayard Rustin (left) and Cleveland Robinson (right), organizers of the March, on August 7, 1963
Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage. In 1967, Mildred Loving, a black woman, and Richard Loving, a white man, were sentenced to a year in prison in Virginia for marrying each other.[51] Their marriage violated the state's anti-miscegenationstatute, the Racial Integrity Act of 1924, which prohibited marriage between people classified as white and people classified as "colored" (persons of non white ancestry).[52] In the Loving v. Virginia case in 1967, the Supreme Court invalidated laws prohibiting interracial marriage in the U.S.[53]

"We Cater to White Trade Only" sign on a restaurant window in Lancaster, Ohio in 1938. In 1964 Martin Luther King Jr. was arrested and spent a night in jail for attempting to eat at a white-only restaurant in St. Augustine, Florida
Segregation continued even after the demise of the Jim Crow laws. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration from suggest that in the mid-20th century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by whites to exclude blacks from their neighborhoods.[54] Segregation also took the form of redlining, the practice of denying or increasing the cost of services, such as banking, insurance, access to jobs,[55] access to health care,[56] or even supermarkets[57] to residents in certain, often racially determined,[58] areas. Although in the U.S. informal discrimination and segregation have always existed, redlining began with the National Housing Act of 1934, which established the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). The practice was fought first through passage of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (which prevents redlining when the criteria for redlining are based on race, religion, gender, familial status, disability, or ethnic origin), and later through the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977, which requires banks to apply the same lending criteria in all communities.[59] Although redlining is illegal some argue that it continues to exist in other forms.
Up until the 1940s, the full revenue potential of what was called "the Negro market" was largely ignored by white-owned manufacturers in the U.S. with advertising focused on whites.[60] Blacks were also denied commercial deals. On his decision to take part in exhibition races against racehorses in order to earn money, Olympic champion Jesse Owens stated, "People say that it was degrading for an Olympic champion to run against a horse, but what was I supposed to do? I had four gold medals, but you can't eat four gold medals."[61] On the lack of opportunities, Owens added, "There was no television, no big advertising, no endorsements then. Not for a black man, anyway."[62] In the reception to honor his Olympic success Owens was not permitted to enter through the main doors of the Waldorf Astoria New York and instead forced to travel up to the event in a freight elevator.[63] The first black Academy Award recipient Hattie McDaniel was not permitted to attend the premiere of Gone with the Wind with Georgia being racially segregated, and at the Oscars ceremony in Los Angeles she was required to sit at a segregated table at the far wall of the room; the hotel had a strict no-blacks policy, but allowed McDaniel in as a favor.[64]
Present[edit]

The Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Churchwhere nine blacks, including the pastor, were killed in the 2015 Charleston church shooting. The church had been rebuilt after one of the church's co-founders, Denmark Vesey, was suspected of planning a slave rebellion in Charleston in 1822; 35 people, including Vesey, were hanged and the church was burned down.[65]
While substantial gains were made in the succeeding decades through middle class advancement and public employment, black poverty and lack of education continued in the context of de-industrialization.[66][67] Despite gains made after the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, some violence against black churches has also continued – 145 fires were set to churches around the South in the 1990s,[68] and a mass shooting in Charleston was perpetrated in 2015 at the historic Mother Emanuel Church.[69]
From 1981 to 1997, the United States Department of Agriculture discriminated against tens of thousands of black American farmers, denying loans that were provided to white farmers in similar circumstances. The discrimination was the subject of the Pigford v. Glickman lawsuit brought by members of the National Black Farmers Association, which resulted in two settlement agreements of $1.25 billion in 1999 and of $1.15 billion in 2009.[70]
During the 1980s and '90s a number of riots occurred that were related to longstanding racial tensions between police and minority communities. The 1980 Miami riots were catalyzed by the killing of an African-American motorist by four white Miami-Dade Police officers. They were subsequently acquitted on charges of manslaughter and evidence tampering. Similarly, the six-day 1992 Los Angeles riotserupted after the acquittal of four white LAPD officers who had been filmed beating Rodney King, an African-American motorist. Khalil Gibran Muhammad, the Director of the Harlem-based Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture has identified more than 100 instances of mass racial violence in the United States since 1935 and has noted that almost every instance was precipitated by a police incident.[71]
Politically, the "winner-take-all" structure that applies to 48 out of 50 states[72] in the electoral college benefits white representation, as no state has voters of color as the majority of the electorate.[73] This has been described as structural bias and often leads voters of colors to feel politically alienated, and therefore not vote. The lack of representation in congress has also led to lower voter turn out.[73] As of 2016, African Americans only made up 8.7% of Congress, and Latinos 7%.[74]
Many cite the United States presidential election, 2008 as a step forward in race relations: white Americans played a role in electing Barack Obama, the country's first black president.[75] In fact, Obama received a greater percentage of the white vote (43%),[76] than did the previous Democratic candidate, John Kerry (41%).[77]Racial divisions persisted throughout the election; wide margins of Black voters gave Obama an edge during the presidential primary, where 8 out of 10 African-Americans voted for him in the primaries, and an MSNBC poll found that race was a key factor in whether a candidate was perceived as being ready for office. In South Carolina, for instance,"Whites were far likelier to name Clinton than Obama as being most qualified to be commander in chief, likeliest to unite the country and most apt to capture the White House in November. Blacks named Obama over Clinton by even stronger margins—two- and three-to one—in all three areas."[78]
With the election of 2016 being a pivotal point in the discussion of race relations, President Donald Trump has insinuated that much of the discourse and violence surrounding race relations in the United States has been prompted by increasingly vocal Black activist groups, such as Black Lives Matter, as reported by CNN.[79]
Sociologist Russ Long stated in 2013 that there is now a more subtle racism that associates a specific race with a specific characteristic.[80] In a 1993 study conducted by Katz and Braly, it was presented that "blacks and whites hold a variety of stereotypes towards each other, often negative".[81] The Katz and Braley study also found that African-Americans and whites view the traits that they identify each other with as threatening, interracial communication between the two is likely to be "hesitant, reserved, and concealing".[81] Interracial communication is guided by stereotypes; stereotypes are transferred into personality and character traits which lead to have an effect on communication. Multiple factors go into how stereotypes are established, such as age and the setting in which they are being applied.[81] For example, in a study done by the Entman-Rojecki Index of Race and Media in 2014, 89% of black women in movies are shown swearing and acting in offensive behavior while only 17% of white women are portrayed in this manner.[82]
Asian Americans[edit]

A World War II anti-Japanese propaganda poster utilizing the "Jap" slur and depicting the Japanese as rats, after they conquered parts of Alaska.
The Naturalization Act of 1790 made Asians ineligible for citizenship, with citizenship limited to whites only.[83]
Asian Americans, including those of East Asian, Southeast Asian, and South Asiandescent, have experienced racism since the first major groups of Chineseimmigrants arrived in America. First-generation immigrants, children of immigrants, and Asians adopted by non-Asian families have all been impacted.[84]

A political cartoon from 1882 ridiculing the Chinese Exclusion Act, showing a Chinese man, surrounded by benefits of Chinese immigration, being barred entry to the "Golden Gate of Liberty", while other groups, including Communists and "hoodlums", are allowed to enter. The caption reads sarcastically, "We must draw the line somewhere, you know."
In the 19th century, America was undergoing rapid industrialization, leading to labor shortages in the mining and rail industries. Chinese immigrant labor was often used to fill this gap, most notably with the construction of the First Transcontinental Railroad, leading to large-scale Chinese immigration.[84] These Chinese immigrants were despised because they took the jobs of whites for cheaper pay, and the phrase Yellow Peril, which predicted the demise of Western Civilization as a result of Chinese immigrants, gained popularity.[85] This discrimination apexed with the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, which banned Chinese immigration to the United States. This was the first time that a law was passed to exclude a major group from the nation that was based on ethnicity and class.[84]
Local discriminatory laws were also enacted to stifle Chinese business and job opportunities; for example, in the 1886 Supreme Court case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins, a San Francisco city ordinance requiring permits for laundries (which were mostly Chinese-owned) was struck down, as it was clear the law solely targeted Chinese Americans. When the law was in effect, the city issued permits to virtually all non-Chinese permit applicants, while only granting one permit out of two hundred applications from Chinese laundry owners. When the Chinese laundries continued to operate, the city tried to fine the owners. In 1913, California, home to many Chinese immigrants, enacted an Alien Land Law, which significantly restricted land ownership by Asian immigrants, and extended it in 1920, ultimately banning virtually all land ownership by Asians.[86]
In 1907, Japanese immigrants, which were unaffected by the Exclusion Act, began to enter the United States, filling labor shortages that were once filled by Chinese workers. This influx also led to discrimination and was stymied when President Theodore Roosevelt restricted Japanese immigration. Later, Japanese immigration was closed when Japan entered into the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907 to stop issuing passports to Japanese workers intending to move to the U.S.[87]
During World War II, the Republic of China was an ally of the United States, and the federal government praised the resistance of the Chinese against Japan in the Second Sino-Japanese War, attempting to reduce anti-Chinese sentiment. In 1943, the Magnuson Act was passed by Congress, repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act and reopening Chinese immigration. However, at the time, the United States was actively fighting the Empire of Japan, which was a member of the Axis powers. Anti-Japanese racism, which spiked after the attack on Pearl Harbor, was tacitly encouraged by the government, which used slurs such as "Jap" in propaganda posters and even interned Japanese Americans, citing possible security threats. Soldiers in the Pacific theater seem often dehumanized their enemy leading to American mutilation of Japanese war dead.[88] The racist nature of this dehumanization is apparent in the inconsistency of the treatment of corpses in the Pacific and the European theaters. Apparently some soldiers mailed home Japanese skulls as souvenirs, while none mailed home German or Italian skulls.[89] This prejudice continued for some time after the war, and Asian racism affected U.S. policy in the Korean and Vietnam Wars, even though Asians were on both sides of those wars as well as World War II. Some historians have alleged that a climate of racism, with unofficial rules like the "mere gook rule",[90][91] allowed for a pattern in which South Vietnamese civilians were treated as less than human and war crimes became common.[92]
Prior to 1965, Indian immigration to the U.S. was small and isolated, with fewer than fifty thousand Indian immigrants in the country. The Bellingham riots in Bellingham, Washington on September 5, 1907 epitomized the low tolerance in the U.S. for Indians and Hindus. While anti-Asian racism was embedded in U.S. politics and culture in the early 20th century, Indians were also racialized for their anticolonialism, with U.S. officials, casting them as a Hindu menace, pushing for Western imperial expansion abroad.[93] In the 1923 case, United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, the Supreme Court ruled that high caste Hindus were not "white persons" and were therefore racially ineligible for naturalized citizenship.[94] The Court argued that the racial difference between Indians and whites was so great that the "great body of our people" would reject assimilation with Indians.[94] It was after the Luce–Celler Act of 1946 that a quota of 100 Indians per year could immigrate to the U.S. and become citizens.[95]
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and as a result would significantly, and unintentionally, alter the demographic mix in the U.S.[96] On the U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965, sociologist Stephen Klineberg states the law "declared that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race."[96] In 1990, Asian immigration was encouraged when nonimmigrant temporary working visas were given to help with the shortage of skilled labor within the United States.[84]
In modern times, Asians have been perceived as a "model minority". They are seen as more educated and successful, and are stereotyped as intelligent and hard-working, but socially inept.[97] Asians may experience expectations of natural intelligence and excellence from whites as well as other minorities.[86][98] This has led to discrimination in the workplace, as Asian Americans may face unreasonable expectations because of the "model minority" stereotype. In 2000, out of 1,218 adult Asian Americans, 92 percent of those who experienced personal discrimination believed that the unfair treatment was due to their ethnicity.[97]
Asian American stereotypes can also obstruct career paths; because Asians are seen as better skilled in engineering, computing, and mathematics, they are often encouraged to pursue technical careers. They are also discouraged from pursuing non-technical occupations or executive occupations requiring more social interaction, since Asians are expected to have poor social skills. In the 2000 study, forty percent of those surveyed who experienced discrimination believed that they had lost hiring or promotion opportunities. In 2007, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission reported that Asians make up 10 percent of professional jobs, while 3.7 percent of them held executive, senior level, or manager positions.[97]
Other forms of discrimination include racial profiling and hate crimes. Research shows that discrimination has led to more use of informal mental health services by Asian Americans.[99] Asian Americans who feel discriminated against also tend to smoke more.[100]
Non-Anglo Europeans[edit]
See also: Anti-Catholicism, Anti-German sentiment, Anti-Irish sentiment, Anti-Italianism, Anti-Polish sentiment, and Anti-Russian sentiment

Various European American immigrant groups have been subject to discrimination either on the basis of their immigrant status (known as "Nativism") or on the basis of their ethnicities (country of origin).

Philadelphia Nativist Riots.

New York Times, 1854 ad, reading "No Irish need apply."In the 19th century, this was particularly true of anti-Irish prejudice, which was partly anti-Catholic sentiment, partly anti-Irish as an ethnicity. This was especially true for Irish Catholics who immigrated to the U.S. in the mid-19th century; the large number of Irish (both Catholic and Protestant) who settled in America in the 18th century had largely (but not entirely) escaped such discrimination and eventually blended into the American white population. During the 1830s in the U.S., riots for control of job sites broke out in rural areas among rival labour teams from different parts of Ireland, and between Irish and local American work teams competing for construction jobs.[101]
The Native American Party, commonly called the Know Nothing movement was a political party, whose membership was limited to Protestant men, that operated on a national basis during the mid-1850s and sought to limit the influence of Irish Catholics and other immigrants, thus reflecting nativism and anti-Catholic sentiment. There was widespread anti-Irish job discrimination in the United States and "No Irish need apply" signs were common.[102][103][104]

Ku Klux Klan members march down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C. in 1928. The second era Klan was a large nationwide movement with between four to six million members.
The second era Ku Klux Klan was a very large nationwide organization in the 1920s, consisting of between four to six million members (15% of the nation's eligible population) that especially opposed Catholics.[105] The revival of the Klan was spurred by the release of the 1915 film The Birth of a Nation.[106]The second and third incarnations of the Ku Klux Klan made frequent references to America's "Anglo-Saxon" blood.[107] Anti-Catholic sentiment, which appeared in North America with the first Pilgrim and Puritan settlers in New England in the early 17th century, remained evident in the U.S. up to the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy, who went on to become the first Catholic (and first non-Protestant) U.S. president in 1961.[108]
Further information: Nordic race § Nordicism in the United States
The 20th century saw discrimination against immigrants from southern and eastern Europe (notably Italian Americans and Polish Americans), partly from anti-Catholic sentiment (as well as discrimination against Irish-Americans), and partly from Nordicism, which considered all non-Germanic immigrants as racially inferior.
“ Biological laws tell us that certain divergent people will not mix or blend. The Nordics propagate themselves successfully. With other races, the outcome shows deterioration on both sides. ”
— Future US president Calvin Coolidge, 1921.[109]
An advocate of the U.S. immigration laws that favored Northern Europeans, the Klansman Lothrop Stoddard wrote primarily on the alleged dangers posed by "colored" peoples to white civilization, with his most famous book The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy in 1920. Nordicism led to the reduction in Southern European, along with Slavic Eastern European and Russian immigrants in the National Origins Formula of the Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924, whose goal was to maintain the status quo distribution of ethnicity by limiting immigration of non-Northern Europeans. According to the U.S. Department of State the purpose of the act was "to preserve the ideal of American homogeneity".[110] The racial term Untermenschoriginates from the title of Stoddard's 1922 book The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under-man.[111] It was later adopted by the Nazis (and its chief racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg) from that book's German version Der Kulturumsturz: Die Drohung des Untermenschen (1925).[112]
There was also discrimination against German Americans and Italian Americans due to Germany and Italy being enemy countries during World War I (Germany) and World War II (Germany and Italy). This resulted in a sharp decrease in German-American ethnic identity and a sharp decrease in the use of German in the United Statesfollowing World War I, which had hitherto been significant, and to German American internment and Italian American internment during World War II; see also World War I anti-German sentiment.
Beginning in World War I, German Americans were sometimes accused of having political allegiances to Germany, and thus not to the United States.[113] The Justice Department attempted to prepare a list of all German aliens, counting approximately 480,000 of them, more than 4,000 of whom were imprisoned in 1917–18. The allegations included spying for Germany, or endorsing the German war effort.[114] Thousands were forced to buy war bonds to show their loyalty.[115] The Red Cross barred individuals with German last names from joining in fear of sabotage. One person was killed by a mob; in Collinsville, Illinois, German-born Robert Prager was dragged from jail as a suspected spy and lynched.[116] Questions of German American loyalty increased due to events like the German bombing of Black Tom island[117] and the U.S. entering World War I, many German Americans were arrested for refusing allegiance to the U.S.[118] War hysteria led to the removal of German names in public, names of things such as streets,[119] and businesses.[120] Schools also began to eliminate or discourage the teaching of the German language.[121] Years later during the Second World War, German Americans were once again the victims of war hysteria discrimination. Following its entry into the Second World War, the US Government interned at least 11,000 American citizens of German ancestry. The last to be released, a German-American, remained imprisoned until 1948 at Ellis Island,[122] three and a half years after the cessation of hostilities against Germany.
Specific European-American ethnicities significantly diminished as a political issue in the 1930s, being replaced by a bi-racialism of black/white, as described and predicted by Lothrop Stoddard, due to numerous causes. The National Origins Formula significantly reduced inflows of non-Nordic ethnicities; the Great Migration (of African-Americans out of the South) displaced anti-white immigrant racism with anti-black racism.[42]
Latin Americans[edit]
Americans of Latin American ancestry (often categorized as "Hispanic") come from a wide variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds. Latinos are not all distinguishable as a racial minority.
After the Mexican–American War (1846–1848), the U.S. annexed much of the current Southwestern region from Mexico. Mexicans residing in that territory found themselves subject to discrimination. It is estimated that at least 597 Mexicans were lynched between 1848 and 1928 (this is a conservative estimate due to lack of records in many reported lynchings). Mexicans were lynched at a rate of 27.4 per 100,000 of population between 1880 and 1930. This statistic is second only to that of the African American community during the same period, which suffered an average of 37.1 per 100,000 of population.[123] Between 1848 and 1879, Mexicans were lynched at an unprecedented rate of 473 per 100,000 of population.[124]

Hispanic protest against California immigration policy. Todos somos ilegales – We are all Illegals. Also, The land we stand on, every inch of it stolen.
During The Great Depression, the U.S. government sponsored a Mexican Repatriationprogram which was intended to encourage Mexican immigrants to voluntarily return to Mexico, however, many were forcibly removed against their will. In total, up to one million persons of Mexican ancestry were deported, approximately 60 percent of those individuals were actually U.S. citizens.
The Zoot Suit Riots were vivid incidents of racial violence against Latinos (e.g., Mexican-Americans) in Los Angeles in 1943. Naval servicemen stationed in a Latino neighborhood conflicted with youth in the dense neighborhood. Frequent confrontations between small groups and individuals had intensified into several days of non-stop rioting. Large mobs of servicemen would enter civilian quarters looking to attack Mexican American youths, some of whom were wearing zoot suits, a distinctive exaggerated fashion popular among that group.[125] The disturbances continued unchecked, and even assisted, by the local police for several days before base commanders declared downtown Los Angeles and Mexican American neighborhoods off-limits to servicemen.[126]
Many public institutions, businesses, and homeowners associations had official policies to exclude Mexican Americans. School children of Mexican American descent were subject to racial segregation in the public school system. In many counties, Mexican Americans were excluded from serving as jurors in court cases, especially in those that involved a Mexican American defendant. In many areas across the Southwest, they lived in separate residential areas, due to laws and real estate company policies.[127][128][129][130]
During the 1960s, Mexican American youth formed the Chicano Civil Rights Movement.
Middle Eastern and South Asian Americans[edit]
See also: Anti-Arabism, Islamophobia in the United States, Anti-Iranian sentiment, and Antisemitism in the United States

An Assyrian churchvandalized in Detroit (2007). Assyrians, although not Arabs and mostly Christians, often face backlash in the US for their Middle Easternbackground.[131]
People of Middle Eastern and South Asian descent historically occupied an ambiguous racial status in the United States. Middle Eastern and South Asian immigrants were among those who sued in the late 19th and early 20th century to determine whether they were "white" immigrants as required by naturalization law. By 1923, courts had vindicated a "common-knowledge" standard, concluding that "scientific evidence", including the notion of a "Caucasian race" including Middle Easterners and many South Asians, was incoherent. Legal scholar John Tehranian argues that in reality this was a "performance-based" standard, relating to religious practices, education, intermarriage and a community's role in the United States.[132]
Arab Americans[edit]
See also: Anti-Arabism in the United States
Racism against Arab Americans[133] and racialized Islamophobia against Muslims has risen concomitantly with tensions between the American government and the Islamic world.[134] Following the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, discrimination and racialized violence has markedly increased against Arab Americans and many other religious and cultural groups.[135] Scholars, including Sunaina Maira and Evelyn Alsultany, argue that in the post-September 11 climate, Muslim Americans have been racialized within American society, although the markers of this racialization are cultural, political, and religious rather than phenotypic.[136][137]
Arab Americans in particular were most demonized which led to hatred towards Middle Easterners living in the United States and elsewhere in the Western world.[138][139] There have been attacks against Arabs not only on the basis of their religion (Islam), but also on the basis of their ethnicity; numerous Christian Arabs have been attacked based on their appearances.[140] In addition, other Middle Eastern peoples (Iranians, Assyrians, Armenians, Jews, Turks, Yezidis, Kurds, etc.) who are mistaken for Arabs because of perceived similarities in appearance have been collateral victims of anti-Arabism.
Non-Arab and non-Muslim Middle Eastern people, as well as South Asians of different ethnic/religious backgrounds (Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs) have been stereotyped as "Arabs". The case of Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh who was murdered at a Phoenix gas station by a white supremacist for "looking like an Arab terrorist" (because of the turban that is a requirement of Sikhism), as well as that of Hindus being attacked for "being Muslims" have achieved prominence and criticism following the September 11 attacks.[141][142]
Those of Middle Eastern descent who are in the United States military sometimes face racism from fellow soldiers. Army Spc Zachari Klawonn endured numerous instances of racism during his enlistment at Fort Hood, Texas. During his basic training he was made to put cloth around his head and play the role of terrorist. His fellow soldiers had to take him down to the ground and draw guns on him. He was also called things such as "raghead", "sand monkey", and "Zachari bin Laden".[143][144]
According to a 2004 study, although official parameters encompass Arabs as part of the "white American" racial category, some Arab Americans from places other than the Levant feel they are not white and are not perceived as white by American society.[145]
Iranian Americans[edit]
See also: Anti-Iranian sentiment

A man holding a sign that reads "deport all Iranians" and "get the hell out of my country" during a protest of the Iran hostage crisis in Washington, D.C. in 1979.
The November 1979 Iranian hostage crisis of the U.S. embassy in Tehranprecipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, directed both against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981, they sometimes flare up. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the U.S. have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.[146]
Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s, it has been argued, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has gradually shown signs of vilifying Iranians.[147]Hollywood network productions such as 24,[148] John Doe, On Wings of Eagles(1986),[149] Escape from Iran: The Canadian Caper (1981),[150] and JAG almost regularly host Persian speaking villains in their storyline.
Antisemitism[edit]
Main article: Antisemitism in the United States
Antisemitism has also played a role in the United States. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Jews were escaping the pogroms in Europe. They boarded boats from ports on the Baltic Sea and in Northern Germany, and largely arrived at Ellis Island, New York.[151]
It is suggested by Leo Rosten, in his book The Joys of Yiddish, that as soon as they left the boat, they were subject to racism from the port immigration authorities. The derogatory term kike was adopted when referring to Jews (because they often could not write so they may have signed their immigration papers with circles – or kikel in Yiddish).[152] Efforts were also made by the Asiatic Exclusion League to bar Jewish immigrants (along with other Middle Eastern ethnic groups, like Arabs, Assyrians, and Armenians) from naturalization, but they (along with Assyrians and Armenians) were nevertheless granted US citizenship, despite being classified as Asian.[153]
From the 1910s, the Southern Jewish communities were attacked by the Ku Klux Klan, who objected to Jewish immigration, and often used "The Jewish Banker" in their propaganda. In 1915, Leo Frank was lynched in Georgia after being convicted of rape and sentenced to death (his punishment was commuted to life imprisonment).[154]This event was a catalyst in the re-formation of the new Ku Klux Klan.[155]
The events in Nazi Germany also attracted attention from the United States. Jewish lobbying for intervention in Europe drew opposition from the isolationists, amongst whom was Father Charles Coughlin, a well known radio priest, who was known to be critical of Jews, believing that they were leading the United States into the war.[156] He preached in weekly, overtly anti-Semitic sermons and, from 1936, began publication of a newspaper, Social Justice, in which he printed anti-Semitic accusations such as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[157]
A number of Jewish organizations, Christian organizations, Muslim organizations, and academics consider the Nation of Islam to be anti-Semitic. Specifically, they claim that the Nation of Islam has engaged in revisionist and antisemitic interpretations of the Holocaust and exaggerates the role of Jews in the African slave trade.[158] The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) alleged that the NOI's Health Minister, Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad, accused Jewish doctors of injecting blacks with the AIDS virus,[159] an allegation that Muhammad and The Washington Post have refuted.[160]
Although Jews are often perceived as white in the American mainstream, the relationship of Jews to whiteness remains complex, with some preferring not to identify as white.[161][162][163][164] Prominent activist and rabbi Michael Lerner argues, in a 1993 Village Voice article, that "in America, to be 'white' means to be the beneficiary of the past 500 years of European exploration and exploitation of the rest of the world" and that "Jews can only be deemed white if there is massive amnesia on the part of non-Jews about the monumental history of anti-Semitism".[164] African-American activist Cornel West, in an interview with the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, has explained:
Even if some Jews do believe that they're white, I think that they've been duped. I think that antisemitism has proven itself to be a powerful force in nearly every post of Western civilization where Christianity has a presence. And so even as a Christian, I say continually to my Jewish brothers and sisters: don't believe the hype about your full scale assimilation and integration into the mainstream. It only takes an event or two for a certain kind of anti-Jewish, antisemitic sensibility to surface in places that you would be surprised. But I'm just thoroughly convinced that America is not the promised land for Jewish brothers and sisters. A lot of Jewish brothers say, "No, that's not true. We finally ..." Yeah—they said that in Alexandria. You said that in Weimar Germany.[165]
New antisemitism[edit]
Main article: New antisemitism
In recent years some scholars have advanced the concept of New antisemitism, coming simultaneously from the Far Left, the far right, and radical Islam, which tends to focus on opposition to the creation of a Jewish homeland in the State of Israel, and argue that the language of Anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel are used to attack Jews more broadly. In this view, the proponents of the new concept believe that criticisms of Israel and Zionismare often disproportionate in degree and unique in kind, and attribute this to antisemitism.[166]
Yehuda Bauer, Professor of Holocaust Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, has argued that the concept of a "new antisemitism" is essentially false since it is in fact an alternative form of the old antisemitism of previous decades, which he believes remains latent at times but recurs whenever it is triggered. In his view, the current trigger is the Israeli situation; if a compromise making ground in the Arab-Israeli peace processwere achieved, he believes that antisemitism would decline but not disappear.
Noted critics of Israel, such as Noam Chomsky and Norman Finkelstein, question the extent of new antisemitism in the United States. Chomsky has written in his work Necessary Illusions that the Anti-Defamation League casts any question of pro-Israeli policy as antisemitism, conflating and muddling issues as even Zionists receive the allegation.[167] Finkelstein has stated that supposed "new antisemitism" is a preposterous concept advanced by the ADL to combat critics of Israeli policy.[168]
Antiziganism[edit]
See also: Antiziganism
The Roma population in America has blended more-or-less seamlessly into the rest of society.[citation needed] In the U.S., the term "Gypsy" has come to be associated with a trade, profession, or lifestyle more than with the Romani ethnic/racial group.[citation needed] Some Americans, especially those self-employed in the fortune-tellingand psychic reading business,[169] use the term "Gypsy" to describe themselves or their enterprise, despite having no ties to the Roma people. This can be chalked up to misperception and ignorance regarding the term rather than any bigotry or even anti-ziganism.[170][dubious – discuss]
Native Americans[edit]
Main article: Genocide of indigenous peoples

Members of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation in Oklahoma around 1877. Notice the members with European and African ancestry. The Creek were originally from the Alabama region.
Native Americans, who have lived on the North American continent for at least 10,000 years,[171] had an enormously complex impact on American history and racial relations. During the colonial and independent periods, a long series of conflicts were waged, often with the objective of obtaining resources of Native Americans. Through wars, forced displacement (such as in the Trail of Tears), and the imposition of treaties, land was taken. The loss of land often resulted in hardships for Native Americans. In the early 18th century, the English had enslaved nearly 800 Choctaws.[172] After the creation of the United States, the idea of Indian removal gained momentum. However, some Native Americans chose or were allowed to remain and avoided removal whereafter they were subjected to official racism. The Choctaws in Mississippi described their situation in 1849, "we have had our habitations torn down and burned, our fences destroyed, cattle turned into our fields and we ourselves have been scourged, manacled, fettered and otherwise personally abused, until by such treatment some of our best men have died."[173] Joseph B. Cobb, who moved to Mississippi from Georgia, described Choctaws as having "no nobility or virtue at all," and in some respect he found blacks, especially native Africans, more interesting and admirable, the red man's superior in every way. The Choctaw and Chickasaw, the tribes he knew best, were beneath contempt, that is, even worse than black slaves.[174]
In the 1800s, conflicts were spurred by ideologies such as Manifest Destiny, which held that the United States was destined to expand from coast to coast on the North American continent. In the years leading up to the Indian Removal Act of 1830 there were many armed conflicts between settlers and Native Americans.[175] A justification for the policy of conquest and subjugation of the indigenous people emanated from the stereotyped perceptions of all Native Americans as "merciless Indian savages" (as described in the United States Declaration of Independence).[176] Simon Moya-Smith, culture editor at Indian Country Today, states, "Any holiday that would refer to my people in such a repugnant, racist manner is certainly not worth celebrating. [July Fourth] is a day we celebrate our resiliency, our culture, our languages, our children and we mourn the millions — literally millions — of indigenous people who have died as a consequence of American imperialism."[177] In 1861, residents of Mankato, Minnesota, formed the Knights of the Forest, with a goal of 'eliminating all Indians from Minnesota.' An egregious attempt occurred with the California gold rush, the first two years of which saw the deaths of thousands of Native Americans. Under Mexican rule in California, Indians were subjected to de factoenslavement under a system of peonage by the white elite. While in 1850, California formally entered the Unionas a free state, with respect to the issue of slavery, the practice of Indian indentured servitude was not outlawed by the California Legislature until 1863.[178] The 1864 deportation of the Navajos by the U.S. government occurred when 8,000 Navajos were forced to an internment camp in Bosque Redondo,[179] where, under armed guards, more than 3,500 Navajo and Mescalero Apache men, women, and children died from starvation and disease.[179]

The Ghost Dance ritual. The Natives believed the dance would reunite the living with spirits of the dead, bring the spirits of the dead to fight on their behalf, make the white invaders vanish, and bring peace, prosperity, and unity to Indian peoples throughout the region
Native American nations on the plains in the west continued armed conflicts with the U.S. throughout the 19th century, through what were called generally Indian Wars.[180] Notable conflicts in this period include the Dakota War, Great Sioux War, Snake War and Colorado War. In the years leading up to the Wounded Knee Massacre the U.S. government had continued to seize Lakota lands. A Ghost Danceritual on the Northern Lakota reservation at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, led to the U.S. Army's attempt to subdue the Lakota. The dance was part of a religion founded by Wovoka that told of the return of the Messiah to relieve the suffering of Native Americans and promised that if they would live righteous lives and perform the Ghost Dance properly, the European American invaders would vanish, the bison would return, and the living and the dead would be reunited in an Edenic world.[181] On December 29, 1890 at Wounded Knee, gunfire erupted, and U.S. soldiers killed up to 300 Indians, mostly old men, women and children.[182]

Mass grave for the dead Lakota following the Wounded Knee Massacre

During the period surrounding the 1890 Wounded Knee Massacre, author L. Frank Baum wrote two editorials about Native Americans. Five days after the killing of the Lakota Sioux holy man, Sitting Bull, Baum wrote, "The proud spirit of the original owners of these vast prairies inherited through centuries of fierce and bloody wars for their possession, lingered last in the bosom of Sitting Bull. With his fall the nobility of the Redskin is extinguished, and what few are left are a pack of whining curs who lick the hand that smites them. The Whites, by the law of conquest, by a justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians. Why not annihilation? Their glory has fled, their spirit broken, their manhood effaced; better that they die than live the miserable wretches that they are."[183]Following the December 29, 1890, massacre, Baum wrote, "The Pioneer has before declared that our only safety depends upon the total extermination [sic] of the Indians. Having wronged them for centuries we had better, in order to protect our civilization, follow it up by one more wrong and wipe these untamed and untamable creatures from the face of the earth. In this lies safety for our settlers and the soldiers who are under incompetent commands. Otherwise, we may expect future years to be as full of trouble with the redskins as those have been in the past."[183][184]
Military and civil resistance by Native Americans has been a constant feature of American history. So too have a variety of debates around issues of sovereignty, the upholding of treaty provisions, and the civil rights of Native Americans under U.S. law.
Reservation marginalization[edit]
Once their territories were incorporated into the United States, surviving Native Americans were denied equality before the law and often treated as wards of the state.[185]
See also: Native American reservations
Many Native Americans were moved to reservations—constituting 4% of U.S. territory. In a number of cases, treaties signed with Native Americans were violated. Tens of thousands of American Indians and Alaska Natives were forced to attend a residential school system which sought to reeducate them in white settler American values, culture and economy.[186][187]
The treatment of the Native Americans was admired by the Nazis.[188] Nazi expansion eastward was accompanied with invocation of America's colonial expansion westward under the banner of Manifest Destiny, with the accompanying wars on the Native Americans.[189] In 1928, Hitler praised Americans for having "gunned down the millions of Redskins to a few hundred thousand, and now kept the modest remnant under observation in a cage" in the course of founding their continental empire.[190] On Nazi Germany's expansion eastward, Hitler stated, “Our Mississippi [the line beyond which Thomas Jefferson wanted all Indians expelled] must be the Volga, and not the Niger."[189]
Further dispossession of various kinds continues into the present, although these current dispossessions, especially in terms of land, rarely make major news headlines in the country (e.g., the Lenape people's recent fiscal troubles and subsequent land grab by the State of New Jersey), and sometimes even fail to make it to headlines in the localities in which they occur. Through concessions for industries such as oil, mining and timber and through division of land from the Allotment Act forward, these concessions have raised problems of consent, exploitation of low royalty rates, environmental injustice, and gross mismanagement of funds held in trust, resulting in the loss of $10–40 billion.[191]
The Worldwatch Institute notes that 317 reservations are threatened by environmental hazards, while Western Shoshone land has been subjected to more than 1,000 nuclear explosions.[192]
Assimilation[edit]

Caricature showing Uncle Sam lecturing four children labeled Philippines, Hawaii, Puerto Rico and Cuba. A black boy is washing windows, a Native American sits separate from the class, and a Chinese boy is outside the door. The caption reads: School Begins. Uncle Sam (to his new class in Civilization)!
The government appointed agents, like Benjamin Hawkins, to live among the Native Americans and to teach them, through example and instruction, how to live like whites.[193] America's first president, George Washington, formulated a policy to encourage the "civilizing" process.[194]
The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited citizenship to whites only. The Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 granted U.S. citizenship to all Native Americans. Prior to the passage of the act, nearly two-thirds of Native Americans were already U.S. citizens.[195] The earliest recorded date of Native Americans becoming U.S. citizens was in 1831 when the Mississippi Choctaw became citizens after the United States Legislature ratified the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek. Under article XIV of that treaty, any Choctaw who elected not to move to Native American Territory could become an American citizen when he registered and if he stayed on designated lands for five years after treaty ratification.
While formal equality has been legally recognized, American Indians, Alaska Natives, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders remain among the most economically disadvantaged groups in the country, and according to National mental health studies, American Indians as a group tend to suffer from high levels of alcoholism, depression and suicide.[196]
Consequences[edit]
Developmental[edit]
Using The Schedule of Racist Events (SRE), an 18-item self-report inventory that assesses the frequency of racist discrimination, Hope Landrine and Elizabeth A. Klonoff found that racist discrimination is rampant in the lives of African Americans and is strongly related to psychiatric symptoms.[197] A study on racist events in the lives of African American women found that lifetime experiences of racism were positively related to lifetime history of both physical disease and frequency of recent common colds. These relationships were largely unaccounted for by other variables. Demographic variables such as income and education were not related to experiences of racism. The results suggest that racism can be detrimental to African American's well being.[198]The physiological stress caused by racism has been documented in studies by Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer on what they term "stereotype threat."[199] Quite similarly, another example of the psychosocial consequences of discrimination have been observed in a study sampling Mexican-origin participants in Fresno, California. It was found that perceived discrimination is correlated with depressive symptoms, especially for those less acculturated in the United States, like Mexican immigrants and migrants.[200]
Along the vein of somatic responses to discrimination, Kennedy et al. found that both measures of collective disrespect were strongly correlated with black mortality (r = 0.53 to 0.56), as well as with white mortality (r = 0.48 to 0.54). These data suggest that racism, measured as an ecologic characteristic, is associated with higher mortality in both blacks and whites.[201] Some researchers also suggest that racial segregation may lead to disparities in health and mortality. Thomas LaVeist (1989; 1993) tested the hypothesis that segregation would aid in explaining race differences in infant mortality rates across cities. Analyzing 176 large and midsized cities, LaVeist found support for the hypothesis. Since LaVeist's studies, segregation has received increased attention as a determinant of racial disparities in mortality.[citation needed] Studies have shown that mortality rates for male and female African Americans are lower in areas with lower levels of residential segregation. Mortality for male and female whites was not associated in either direction with residential segregation.[202]
Researchers Sharon A. Jackson, Roger T. Anderson, Norman J. Johnson and Paul D. Sorlie found that, after adjustment for family income, mortality risk increased with increasing minority residential segregation among Blacks aged 25 to 44 years and non-Blacks aged 45 to 64 years. In most age/race/gender groups, the highest and lowest mortality risks occurred in the highest and lowest categories of residential segregation, respectively. These results suggest that minority residential segregation may influence mortality risk and underscore the traditional emphasis on the social underpinnings of disease and death.[203] Rates of heart disease among African Americans are associated with the segregation patterns in the neighborhoods where they live (Fang et al. 1998). Stephanie A. Bond Huie writes that neighborhoods affect health and mortality outcomes primarily in an indirect fashion through environmental factors such as smoking, diet, exercise, stress, and access to health insurance and medical providers.[204] Moreover, segregation strongly influences premature mortality in the US.[205]
As early as 1866, the Civil Rights Act provided a remedy for intentional race discrimination in employment by private employers and state and local public employers. The Civil Rights Act of 1871 applies to public employment or employment involving state action prohibiting deprivation of rights secured by the federal constitution or federal laws through action under color of law. Title VII is the principal federal statute with regard to employment discrimination prohibiting unlawful employment discrimination by public and private employers, labor organizations, training programs and employment agencies based on race or color, religion, gender, and national origin. Title VII also prohibits retaliation against any person for opposing any practice forbidden by statute, or for making a charge, testifying, assisting, or participating in a proceeding under the statute. The Civil Rights Act of 1991 expanded the damages available in Title VII cases and granted Title VII plaintiffs the right to a jury trial. Title VII also provides that race and color discrimination against every race and color is prohibited.
Societal[edit]
Schemas and stereotypes[edit]

This racist postcard from the 1900s shows the casual denigration of black women. It states "I know you're not particular to a fault / Though I'm not sure you'll never be sued for assault / You're so fond of women that even a wench / Attracts your gross fancy despite her strong stench"
Media
See also: Stereotypes of African Americans, Stereotypes of East Asians in the Western world, Stereotypes of Native Americans, and Stereotypes of West and Central Asians in the United States
Popular culture (songs, theater) for European American audiences in the 19th century created and perpetuated negative stereotypes of African Americans. One key symbol of racism against African Americans was the use of blackface. Directly related to this was the institution of minstrelsy. Other stereotypes of African Americans included the fat, dark-skinned "mammy" and the irrational, hypersexual male "buck".
In recent years increasing numbers of African-American activists have asserted that rap music videos commonly utilize scantily clothed African-American performers posing as thugs or pimps. The NAACP and the National Congress of Black Women also have called for the reform of images on videos and on television. Julian Bond said that in a segregated society, people get their impressions of other groups from what they see in videos and what they hear in music.[206][207][208][209]

In 1899 Uncle Sam balances his new possessions which are depicted as "savage" children. The figures are Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Cuba, Philippines and "Lad robes" (the Mariana Islands).
In a similar vein, activists protested against the BET show, Hot Ghetto Mess, which satirizes the culture of working-class African-Americans. The protests resulted in the change of the television show name to We Got to Do Better.[206]
It is understood that representations of minorities in the media have the ability to reinforce or change stereotypes. For example, in one study, a collection of white subjects were primed by a comedy skit either showing a stereotypical or neutral portrayal of African-American characters. Participants were then required to read a vignette describing an incident of sexual violence, with the alleged offender either white or black, and assign a rating for perceived guilt. For those shown the stereotypical African-American character, there was a significantly higher guilt rating for black alleged offender in the subsequent vignette, in comparison to the other conditions.[210]
While schemas have an overt societal consequence, the strong development of them have lasting effect on recipients. Overall, it is found that strong in-group attitudes are correlated with academic and economic success. In a study analyzing the interaction of assimilation and racial-ethnic schemas for Hispanic youth found that strong schematic identities for Hispanic youth undermined academic achievement.[211]
Additional stereotypes attributed to minorities continue to influence societal interactions. For example, a 1993 Harvard Law Review article states that Asian-Americans are commonly viewed as submissive, as a combination of relative physical stature and Western comparisons of cultural attitudes. Furthermore, Asian-Americans are depicted as the model minority, unfair competitors, foreigners, and indistinguishable. These stereotypes can serve to dehumanize Asian-Americans and catalyze hostility and violence.[212]
Formal discrimination[edit]
Formal discrimination against minorities has been present throughout American history. Leland T. Saito, Associate Professor of Sociology and American Studies & Ethnicity at the University of Southern California, writes, "Political rights have been circumscribed by race, class and gender since the founding of the United States, when the right to vote was restricted to white men of property. Throughout the history of the United States race has been used by whites – a category that has also shifted through time – for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[213]
Within education, a survey of black students in sixteen majority white universities found that four of five African-Americans reported some form of racial discrimination. For example, in February 1988, the University of Michigan enforced a new anti discrimination code following the distribution of fliers saying blacks "don't belong in classrooms, they belong hanging from trees". Other forms of reported discrimination were refusal to sit next to black in lecture, ignored input in class settings, and informal segregation. While the penalties are imposed, the psychological consequences of formal discrimination can still manifest. Black students, for example, reported feelings of heightened isolation and suspicion. Furthermore, studies have shown that academic performance is stunted for black students with these feelings as a result of their campus race interactions.[214]
Minority-minority racism[edit]
Main article: Interminority racism in the United States
Minority racism is sometimes considered controversial because of theories of power in society. Some theories of racism insist that racism can only exist in the context of social power to impose it upon others.[215] Yet discrimination and racism between racially marginalized groups has been noted. For example, there has been ongoing violence between African American and Mexican American gangs, particularly in Southern California.[216][217][218][219] There have been reports of racially motivated attacks against Mexican Americans who have moved into neighborhoods occupied mostly by African Americans, and vice versa.[220][221] According to gang experts and law enforcement agents, a longstanding race war between the Mexican Mafia and the Black Guerilla Family, a rival African American prison gang, has generated such intense racial hatred among Mexican Mafia leaders, or shot callers, that they have issued a "green light" on all blacks. This amounts to a standing authorization for Latino gang members to prove their mettle by terrorizing or even murdering any blacks sighted in a neighborhood claimed by a gang loyal to the Mexican Mafia.[dead link][222] There have been several significant riots in California prisons where Mexican American inmates and African Americans have targeted each other particularly, based on racial reasons.[223][224]
There has also been noted conflict between recent immigrant groups and their established ethnic counterparts within the United States. Rapid growth in African and Caribbean immigrants has come into conflict with American blacks. Interaction and cooperation between black immigrants and American blacks are, ironically, debatable. One can argue that racial discrimination and cooperation is not ordinarily based on color of skin but more on shared common, cultural experiences, and beliefs.[225][226] Furthermore, conflict between Chinese immigrants and Japanese Americans are known to have occurred in the San Gabriel Valley of the Los Angeles area in the 1980s.[citation needed]
Interpersonal discrimination[edit]
In a manner that defines interpersonal discrimination in the United States, Darryl Brown of the Virginia Law Review states that while "our society has established a consensus against blatant, intentional racism and in decades since Brown v Board of Education has developed a sizeable set of legal remedies to address it", our legal system "ignores the possibility that 'race' is structural or interstitial, that it can be the root of injury even when not traceable to a specific intention or action"[227]
Interpersonal discrimination is defined by its subtlety. Unlike formal discrimination, interpersonal discrimination is often not an overt or deliberate act of racism. For example, in an incident regarding a racial remark from a professor at Virginia Law, a rift was created by conflicting definitions of racism. For the students that defended the professor's innocence, "racism was defined as an act of intentional maliciousness." Yet for African Americans, racism was broadened to a detrimental influence on "the substantive dynamics of the classroom". As an effect, it is argued that the "daily repetition of subtle racism and subordination in the classroom and on campus can ultimately be, for African Americans, more productive of stress, anxiety and alienation than even blatant racists acts." Moreover, the attention to these acts of discrimination diverts energy from academics, becoming a distraction that white students do not generally face.[227]
Institutional[edit]
Institutional racism is the theory that aspects of the structure, pervasive attitudes, and established institutions of society disadvantage some racial groups, although not by an overtly discriminatory mechanism.[228] There are several factors that play into institutional racism, including but not limited to: accumulated wealth/benefits from racial groups that have benefited from past discrimination, educational and occupational disadvantages faced by non-native English speakers in the United States, ingrained stereotypical images that still remain in the society (e.g. black men are likely to be criminals).[229]
In his article, Peter Kaufman describes three instances in which institutional racism has contributed to current views of race.[230] These are:
The mis- and Missing Education of Race, in which he describes problems the educational system has in discussing "slavery, race, racism, and topics such as white privilege." He goes on to say that schools are still segregated based on class and race, which also contributes to race relations[230]
Residential Racial Segregation. According to Kaufman, the reason that schools are still segregated is due to towns and cities being largely segregated still.
Media Monsters. This describes the role in which the media has in the portrayal of race. Mass media tends to play on "depictions of racialized stereotypes in the mass media [which are] ubiquitous, and such caracaturized images shape our perceptions of various racial groups." An example of this is the stereotyping of Blacks as criminals.[230]
Immigration[edit]
See also: Immigration to the United States
Access to United States citizenship was restricted by race, beginning with the Naturalization Act of 1790 which excluded "non-whites" from citizenship.[26] Institutionalized prejudice existed against white followers of Roman Catholicism who immigrated from countries such as Ireland, Germany, Italy and France.[231] Other efforts include the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the 1924 National Origins Act.[232][233] The Immigration Act of 1924 was aimed at further restricting the Southern Europeans and Russians who had begun to enter the country in large numbers beginning in the 1890s. By limiting immigration of non-Northern Europeans, according to the U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian the purpose of the 1924 act was "to preserve the ideal of American homogeneity".[234]
German praise for America's institutional racism, previously found in Hitler's Mein Kampf, was continuous throughout the early 1930s, and radical Nazi lawyers were advocates of the use of American models.[235] U.S. citizenship laws and anti-miscegenation laws directly inspired the two principal Nuremberg Laws—the Citizenship Law and the Blood Law.[235]
In conjunction with immigration reform in the late 1980s (seen with the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986), there have been noted IRCA-related discriminatory behavior toward Hispanics within employment. As the measure made it unlawful to hire without authorization to work in the United States, avoidant treatment toward "foreign-appearing workers" increased to bypass the required record-keeping or risk of sanctions.[236]
Wealth[edit]
See also: Wealth inequality in the United States
Massive racial differentials in account of wealth remain in the United States: between whites and African Americans, the gap is a factor of twenty.[237] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, "The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it's also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States."[238] Differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural workers, a sector that then included most black workers), rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered returning soldiers after World War II. Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[239]
Health care[edit]
Main article: Race and health in the United States
There are major racial differences in access to health care and in the quality of health care provided. A study published in the American Journal of Public Health estimated that: "over 886,000 deaths could have been prevented from 1991 to 2000 if African Americans had received the same care as whites." The key differences they cited were lack of insurance, inadequate insurance, poor service, and reluctance to seek care.[240] A history of government-sponsored experimentation, such as the notorious Tuskegee Syphilis Study has left a legacy of African American distrust of the medical system.[241]
Inequalities in health care may also reflect a systemic bias in the way medical procedures and treatments are prescribed for different ethnic groups. A University of Edinburgh Professor of Public Health, Raj Bhopal, writes that the history of racism in science and medicine shows that people and institutions behave according to the ethos of their times and warns of dangers to avoid in the future.[242] A Harvard Professor of Social Epidemiology contended that much modern research supported the assumptions needed to justify racism. Racism she writes underlies unexplained inequities in health care, including treatment for heart disease,[243] renal failure,[244]bladder cancer,[245] and pneumonia.[246] Bhopal writes that these inequalities have been documented in various studies and that there are consistent findings that black Americans receive less health care than white Americans—particularly where this involves expensive new technology.[247]
Politics[edit]
It is argued that racial coding of concepts like crime and welfare has been used to strategically influence public political views. Racial coding is implicit; it incorporates racially primed language or imagery to allude to racial attitudes and thinking. For example, in the context of domestic policy, it is argued that Ronald Reagan implied linkages between concepts like "special interests" and "big government" with ill-perceived minority groups in the 1980s, using the conditioned negativity toward the minority groups to discredit certain policies and programs during campaigns. In a study analyzing how political ads prime attitudes, Valentino compares the voting responses of participants after being exposed to narration of a George W. Bush advertisement paired with three different types of visuals with different embedded racial cues to create three conditions: neutral, race comparison, and undeserving blacks. For example, as the narrator states "Democrats want to spend your tax dollars on wasteful government programs", the video shows an image of a black woman and child in an office setting. Valentino found that the undeserving blacks condition produced the largest primed effect in racialized policies, like opposition to affirmative action and welfare spending.[248]
Ian Haney-López, Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley, refers to this phenomenon as dog-whistle politics, which has pushed, he argues, middle class white Americans to vote against their economic self-interest in order to punish "undeserving minorities" who, they believe, are receiving too much public assistance at their expense. According to López, conservative middle-class whites, convinced that minorities are the enemy by powerful economic interests, supported politicians who promised to curb illegal immigration and crack down on crime, but inadvertently they also voted for policies that favor the extremely rich, such as slashing taxes for top income brackets, giving corporations more regulatory control over industry and financial markets, busting unions, cutting pensions for future public employees, reducing funding for public schools, and retrenching the social welfare state. He argues that these same voters cannot link rising inequality which has impacted their lives to the policy agendas they support, which resulted in a massive transfer of wealth to the top 1% of the population since the 1980s.[249]
Justice system[edit]
Main article: Race and crime in the United States
Racial disparities have been noted in all levels of the U.S. justice system. According to 2009 congressional testimony from Marc Mauer; while African Americans comprise 13% of the US population and 14% of monthly drug users they are 37% of the people arrested for drug offenses; as well as 56% of the people in state prisons for drug offenses. The U.S. Sentencing Commission reported in March 2010 that in the federal system black offenders receive sentences that are 10% longer than white offenders for the same crimes. A July 2009 report by the Sentencing Project found that two-thirds of the people in the U.S. with life sentences are non-white.[250]
Contemporary issues[edit]
Hate crimes[edit]
Main article: Hate crime
In the United States, most crimes that target victims on the basis of their race or ethnicity are considered hate crimes. (For federal law purposes, crimes targeting Hispanics because of their identity are considered hate crimes based on ethnicity.) Leading forms of bias cited in the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, based on law enforcement agency filings are: anti-black, anti-Jewish, anti-white, anti-homosexual, and anti-Hispanic bias in that order in both 2004 and 2005.[251] According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, whites, blacks, and Hispanics had similar rates of violent hate crime victimization between 2007–2011.[252][253] However, from 2011 to 2012, violent hate crimes against Hispanic people increased by 300%.[254] When considering all hate crimes, and not just violent ones, African Americans are far more likely to be victims than other racial groups.[255][256]
The New Century Foundation, a white nationalist organization founded by Jared Taylor, argues that blacks are more likely than whites to commit hate crimes, and that FBI figures inflate the number of hate crimes committed by whites by counting Hispanics as "white".[257] Other analysts are sharply critical of the NCF's findings, referring to the mainstream criminological view that "Racial and ethnic data must be treated with caution. Existing research on crime has generally shown that racial or ethnic identity is not predictive of criminal behavior with data which has been controlled for social and economic factors."[258] NCF's methodology and statistics are further sharply criticized as flawed and deceptive by anti-racist activists Tim Wise and the Southern Poverty Law Center.[259][260]
The first post-Jim Crow era hate crime to make sensational media attention was the murder of Vincent Chin, an Asian American of Chinese descent in 1982. He was attacked by two white assailants who were recently laid off from a Detroit area auto factory job and blamed the Japanese for their individual unemployment. Chin was not of Japanese descent, but the assailants testified at the criminal court case that he "looked like a Jap", an ethnic slur used to describe Japanese and other Asians, and that they were angry enough to beat him to death.
Hateful views[edit]
Continuing antisemitism in the United States has remained an issue as the 2011 Survey of American Attitudes Toward Jews in America, released by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), has found that the recent world economic recession increased some antisemitic viewpoints among Americans. Most people express pro-Jewish sentiments, with 64% of those surveyed agreeing that Jews have contributed much to U.S. social culture. Yet the polling found that 19% of Americans answered "probably true" to the antisemitic canard that "Jews have too much control/influence on Wall Street" while 15% concurred with the related statement that Jews seem "more willing to use shady practices" in business. Reflecting on the lingering antisemitism of about one in five Americans, Abraham H. Foxman, ADL national director, has argued, "It is disturbing that with all of the strides we have made in becoming a more tolerant society, anti-Semitic beliefs continue to hold a vice-grip on a small but not insubstantial segment of the American public."[261]
An ABC News report in 2007 recounted that past ABC polls across several years have tended to find that "six percent have self-reported prejudice against Jews, 27 percent against Muslims, 25 percent against Arabs," and "one in 10 concedes harboring at least some such feelings" against Hispanic Americans. The report also remarked that a full 34% of Americans reported "some racist feelings" in general as a self-description.[5] An Associated Press and Yahoo News survey of 2,227 adult Americans in 2008 found that 10% of white respondents stated that "a lot" of discrimination against African-Americans exists while 45% answered "some" compared to 57% of black respondents answering that "a lot" exists. In the same poll, more whites applied positive attributes to black Americans than negative ones, with blacks describing whites even more highly, but a significant minority of whites still called their fellow Americans "irresponsible", "lazy", or other such things.[262]
In 2008, Stanford University political scientist Paul Sniderman remarked that, in the modern U.S., racism and prejudices are "a deep challenge, and it's one that Americans in general, and for that matter, political scientists, just haven't been ready to acknowledge fully."[262]
Alleviation[edit]
There is a wide plethora of societal and political suggestions to alleviate the effects of continued discrimination in the United States. For example, within universities, it has been suggested that a type of committee could respond to non-sanctionable behavior.[227]
It is also argued that there is a need for "white students and faculty to reformulate white-awareness toward a more secure identity that is not threatened by black cultural institutions and that can recognize the racial non-neutrality of the institutions whites dominate" (Brown, 334). Paired with this effort, Brown encourages the increase in minority faculty members, so the embedded white normative experience begins to fragment.[227]
Within media, it is found that racial cues prime racial stereotypic thought. Thus, it is argued that "stereotype inconsistent cues might lead to more intentioned thought, thereby suppressing racial priming effects."[248]
See also[edit]
United States portal

• Affirmative action in the United States
• Anti-Americanism
• Category:Anti-black racism in the United States
• Anti-French sentiment in the United States
• Anti-Italianism in the United States
• Antisemitism in the United States
• Black Lives Matter
• Constitutional colorblindness
• Environmental racism in the United States
• Eugenics in the United States
• Illegal immigration to the United States
• List of race riots in the United States
• Native American mascot controversy
• Nativism in the United States
• Post-racial America
• Racial equality proposal
• Racial profiling in the United States
• Racism by country
• Racism in early American film
• Racism in horror films
• Racism in United States politics
• Reverse discrimination
• Scientific racism in the United States
• U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
• White privilege in the United States

References[edit]

1. Jump up^ Internment camps are particularly associated with World War II, but also occurred during World War I. Most significant was the Japanese American internment of 120,000 Japanese Americans during World War II. There was also internment of almost 11,000 German Americans in German American internment during World War II, and some Italian American internment.
2. Jump up^ In his 2009 visit to the US, the [UN] Special Rapporteur on Racism noted that "Socio-economic indicators show that poverty and race and ethnicity continue to overlap in the United States. This reality is a direct legacy of the past, in particular slavery, segregation, the forcible resettlement of Native Americans, which was confronted by the United States during the civil rights movement. However, whereas the country managed to establish equal treatment and non-discrimination in its laws, it has yet to redress the socioeconomic consequences of the historical legacy of racism."CERD Task Force of the US Human Rights Network (August 2010). "From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Implementing US Obligations Under the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD)". Universal Periodic Review Joint Reports: United States of America. p. 44.
3. Jump up^ Henry, P. J., David O. Sears. Race and Politics: The Theory of Symbolic Racism. University of California, Los Angeles. 2002.
4. Jump up^ U.S. Human Rights Network (August 2010). "The United States of America: Summary Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review". Universal Periodic Review Joint Reports: United States of America. p. 8.
5. ^ Jump up to:a b "Aquí Se Habla Español – and Two-Thirds Don't Mind" (PDF). ABC News. Oct 8, 2007. Retrieved Dec 20,2013.
6. Jump up^ Darity Jr., William (2005). African Americans in the U.S. Economy (Africa, Europe, and the Origins of Uneven Development: The Role of Slavery) (PDF). Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 15–16.
7. Jump up^ "Darity Jr., 2005"
8. Jump up^ Eltis, David (December 1993). "Europeans and the Rise and Fall of African Slavery in the Americas: An Interpretation". The American Historical Review. 98 (5): 1402–1422. JSTOR 2167060. doi:10.2307/2167060.
9. Jump up^ Eltis, David (2008). Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database. United States of America: Yale University Press. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-300-13436-0.
10. Jump up^ Eltis, David. "Estimates". Archived from the original on October 27, 2013. Retrieved October 19,2013.
11. Jump up^ Calore, Paul (2008). The Causes of the Civil War: The Political, Cultural, Economic and Territorial Disputes between North and South. McFarland. p. 10.
12. Jump up^ "Teaching about Slavery". Foreign Policy Research Institute.
13. Jump up^ Alonzo L. Hamby, George Clack, and Mildred Sola Neely. "Outline of US History". US Department of State.
14. Jump up^ "Background on conflict in Liberia". Archived from the original on 2011-01-08.
15. Jump up^ Maggie Montesinos Sale (1997). The slumbering volcano: American slave ship revolts and the production of rebellious masculinity. p.264. Duke University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8223-1992-6
16. Jump up^ "The legal and diplomatic background to the seizure of foreign vessels". Pdavis.nl. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
17. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Marcyliena H. Morgan (2002). Language, Discourse and Power in African American Culture, p. 20. Cambridge University Press, 2002.
18. Jump up^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 161–62.
19. Jump up^ "Emancipation Proclamation (1863)". Ourdocuments.gov. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
20. Jump up^ Walter, Michael (2003). "Ghost Amendment: The Thirteenth Amendment That Never Was". Retrieved December 15, 2013.
21. Jump up^ Abraham Lincoln, "Speeches and Writings 1832–1858: Speeches, Letters, and Miscellaneous Writings : the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, Volume 1". p. 638. Library of America, 1989
22. Jump up^ XIII – Slavery Abolished The Avalon Project
23. Jump up^ James McPherson, Drawn with the Sword, page 15
24. Jump up^ "The Deadliest War". Harvardmagazine.com. Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
25. Jump up^ Arnold P. Powers (2013). "Devour us Not". p. 119. Xlibris Corporation
26. ^ Jump up to:a b Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans and Asian Americans. p. 284. Retrieved 2015-09-14.
27. Jump up^ Estreicher, Samuel (1974). "Federal Power to Regulate Private Discrimination: The Revival of the Enforcement Clauses of the Reconstruction Era Amendments". Columbia Law Review. 74 (3): 452–454. JSTOR 112176.
28. Jump up^ Klarman, Michael (1998). "The Plessy Era". The Supreme Court Review: 307–308. JSTOR 3109701.
29. ^ Jump up to:a b Leon Litwack, Jim Crow Blues, Magazine of History (OAH Publications, 2004)
30. Jump up^ "Barack Obama legacy: Did he improve US race relations?". BBC. Retrieved August 9, 2017
31. Jump up^ Oklahoma Commission (February 28, 2001), "Final Report" (PDF), Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (PDF), Tulsa, Oklahoma, retrieved April 10, 2016
32. Jump up^ Beck, E.M.; Tolnay, Stewart (1990). "Black Flight: Lethal Violence and the Great Migration, 1900–1930". Social Science History. 14 (3): 354. JSTOR 1171355. doi:10.2307/1171355.
33. Jump up^ Kwame Anthony Appiah, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., eds. Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience, in articles "Civil Rights Movement" by Patricia Sullivan (pp 441-455) and "National Association for the Advancement of Colored People" by Kate Tuttle (pp 1,388-1,391). ISBN 0-465-00071-1.
34. Jump up^ "Un lynchage monstre" (September 24, 1906) Le Petit Journal
35. Jump up^ "DEPORTING THE NEGROES" (September 30, 1906) New York Times
36. Jump up^ Moyers, Bill. "Legacy of Lynching". PBS. Retrieved July 28, 2016
37. Jump up^ Tolnay, Stewart (2003). "The African American 'Great Migration' and Beyond". Annual Review of Sociology. 29: 221. JSTOR 30036966. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100009.
38. Jump up^ Tolnay, Stewart (2003). "The African American 'Great Migration' and Beyond". Annual Review of Sociology. 29: 213. JSTOR 30036966. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100009.
39. Jump up^ Beck, E.M.; Tolnay, Stewart (1990). "Black Flight: Lethal Violence and the Great Migration, 1900–1930". Social Science History. 14 (3): 351–352. JSTOR 1171355. doi:10.2307/1171355.
40. Jump up^ Tolnay, Stewart (2003). "The African American 'Great Migration' and Beyond". Annual Review of Sociology. 29: 218–221. JSTOR 30036966. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100009.
41. Jump up^ Michael O. Emerson, Christian Smith (2001). "Divided by Faith: Evangelical Religion and the Problem of Race in America". p. 42. Oxford University Press
42. ^ Jump up to:a b Seligman, Amanda (2005). Block by block : neighborhoods and public policy on Chicago's West Side. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 213–14. ISBN 978-0-226-74663-0.
43. Jump up^ Michael Kazin, Rebecca Edwards, Adam Rothman (2009). "The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History". p. 245. Princeton University Press
44. Jump up^ "Forgotten' details heroism of black soldiers in WWII". New York Daily News. Retrieved August 5, 2017
45. Jump up^ "How The Horrific Photograph Of Emmett Till Helped Energize The Civil Rights Movement". 100 Photographs | The Most Influential Images of All Time. Retrieved 2017-07-29.
46. ^ Jump up to:a b II, Vann R. Newkirk. "How ‘The Blood of Emmett Till’ Still Stains America Today". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2017-07-29.
47. Jump up^ Whitfield, Stephen (1991). A Death in the Delta: The story of Emmett Till. pp 41-42. JHU Press.
48. Jump up^ Carol Berkin, Christopher Miller, Robert Cherny, James Gormly (2011). "Making America: A History of the United States, Volume 2: From 1865". p. 749. Cengage Learning
49. Jump up^ Ravitz, Jessica. "Siblings of the bombing: Remembering Birmingham church blast 50 years on". Retrieved October 20, 2013.
50. Jump up^ "Birmingham Church Bombed". L.A. Rebellion: Film & Television Archive. Retrieved October 20, 2013.
51. Jump up^ Walker, Dionne (2007-06-10). "Pioneer of interracial marriage looks back". Associated Press. Retrieved 2015-08-23.
52. Jump up^ Racial Integrity Act of 1924, Full Text at Wikisource.org
53. Jump up^ Lawing, Charles B. "Loving v. Virginia and the Hegemony of "Race"" (PDF). Retrieved 2015-08-23.
54. Jump up^ The Rise and Decline of the American Ghetto David M. Cutler, Edward L. Glaeser, Jacob L. Vigdor The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 107, No. 3 (Jun., 1999), pp. 455-506
55. Jump up^ "Racial Discrimination and Redlining in Cities"(PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-11-30. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
56. Jump up^ See: Race and health
57. Jump up^ In poor health: Supermarket redlining and urban nutrition, Elizabeth Eisenhauer, GeoJournal Volume 53, Number 2, February 2001
58. Jump up^ How East New York Became a Ghetto by Walter Thabit. ISBN 0-8147-8267-1. Page 42.
59. Jump up^ Comeback Cities: A Blueprint for Urban Neighborhood Revival By Paul S. Grogan, Tony Proscio. ISBN 0-8133-3952-9. 2002. p. 114. "The goal was not to relax lending restrictions but rather to get banks to apply the same criteria in the inner-city as in the suburbs."
60. Jump up^ "How Pepsi Opened Door to Diversity". Wall Street Journal. January 9, 2016.
61. Jump up^ Schwartz, Larry. "Owens Pierced a Myth". ESPN. Retrieved April 30, 2009.
62. Jump up^ Entine, Jon (2000). Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and why We are Afraid to Talk about it. PublicAffairs. p. 187.
63. Jump up^ Schwartz, Larry (2007). "Owens pierced a myth".
64. Jump up^ Abramovitch, Seth (19 February 2015). "Oscar's First Black Winner Accepted Her Honor in a Segregated 'No Blacks' Hotel in L.A.". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 10, 2017.
65. Jump up^ Richard C. Wade, "The Vesey Plot: A Reconsideration", The Journal of Southern History,Vol. 30, No. 2, May 1964, accessed 5 November 2014 (subscription required)
66. Jump up^ "JBHE Statistical Shocker of the Year". Jbhe.com. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
67. Jump up^ Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 1993), 400-414.
68. Jump up^ Booth, William (1996-06-19). "In Church Fires, a Pattern but No Conspiracy". Washington Post. Retrieved 2015-06-27.
69. Jump up^ Elizabeth Whitman. "Charleston Church Shooting: South Carolina Racism Will Not Change After Killings, Black Residents Say". International Business Times.
70. Jump up^ Southall, Ashley (2010-05-25). "Bias Payments Come Too Late for Some Farmers". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2010-05-26.
71. Jump up^ Hannah-Jones, Nikole (2015-03-04). "Yes, Black America Fears the Police. Here’s Why.". ProPublica. Retrieved 2015-03-05.
72. Jump up^ "U. S. Electoral College: Frequently Asked Questions". www.archives.gov. Retrieved 2017-03-23.
73. ^ Jump up to:a b Deric., Shannon, (2011-01-01). Political sociology : oppression, resistance, and the state. Sage [u.a.] ISBN 9781412980401. OCLC 815880812.
74. Jump up^ Manning, Jennifer (2016). "Membership of the 114th Congress: A Profile" (PDF). Congressional Research Service.
75. Jump up^ White Americans play major role in electing the first black president, Los Angeles Times
76. Jump up^ "Inside Obama's Sweeping Victory". Pew Research Center. November 5, 2008.
77. Jump up^ "U.S. President: National: Exit Poll". CNN.
78. Jump up^ "Strong black vote gives Obama big boost". MSNBC. 2008-01-26. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
79. Jump up^ CNN, Jeremy Diamond. "Trump: BLM has helped instigate police killings". CNN. Retrieved 2017-02-07.
80. Jump up^ Long, Russ. "How to Think about Racial and Ethnic Inequality".
81. ^ Jump up to:a b c Leonard, Rebecca; Locke, Don C (1993). "Communication Stereotypes: Is Interracial Communication Possible?". Journal of Black Studies. 23 (3): 332–343. doi:10.1177/002193479302300303.
82. Jump up^ Orbe, Mark P., and Tina M. Harris. "Interracial Communication: Theory Into Practice."Google Books. Sage Publications, n.d. Web. 02 Feb. 2014
83. Jump up^ Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans and Asian Americans. p. 284. Retrieved 2015-09-29.
84. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Eguchi, Shinsuke (2013). "Revisiting Asiacentricity: Toward Thinking Dialectically about Asian American Identities and Negotiation". Howard Journal of Communications. 24 (1): 95–115. doi:10.1080/10646175.2013.748556.
85. Jump up^ Chin, Philip (2013). "The Chinese Exclusion Act: Ten Year Exclusion Act Debates and Passage -- Part 3".". Chinese American Forum. 29 (1): 24–31.
86. ^ Jump up to:a b Sakamoto, Taylor (2007). "The Triumph and Tragedies of Japanese Women in America: A View Across Four Generations". History Teacher. 41 (1): 97–122.
87. Jump up^ Eguchi, Shinsuke (2013). "Revisiting Asia centricity: Toward Thinking Dialectically about Asian American Identities and Negotiation". Howard Journal of Communications. 24 (1): 95–115. doi:10.1080/10646175.2013.748556.
88. Jump up^ "Trophies of War, US Troops and the Mutilation of Japanese War Dead, 1941-1945 - James J Weingartner - PHR Vol 61 No 1 Feb 1992.pdf". Google Docs. Retrieved 2016-12-07.
89. Jump up^ Simon, Harrison, (2016-12-07). "Skull trophies of the Pacific War: transgressive objects of remembrance". uir.ulster.ac.uk. p. 826. Retrieved 2016-12-07.
90. Jump up^ Chomsky, Noam; Herman, Edward S. (1979-01-01). The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism. South End Press. p. 31. ISBN 9780896080904.
91. Jump up^ "The Secret History of the Vietnam War | VICE | United States". VICE. 2013-04-17. Retrieved 2016-12-07.
92. Jump up^ Turse, Nick (2013-01-15). Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam. Macmillan. ISBN 9780805086911.
93. Jump up^ Seema Sohi (2014). Echoes of Mutiny: Race, Surveillance, and Indian Anticolonialism in North America. Oxford University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-19-937625-4. Indians in North America, nearly 90 percent of whom where Sikhs from the state of Punjab, were also racialized through colonial gendered discourses. During the early decades of the twentieth century, US Immigration, Justice, and State Department officials cast Indian anticolonialists as a "Hindu" menace
94. ^ Jump up to:a b Zhao, X. & Park, E.J.W. (2013). Asian Americans: An Encyclopedia of Social, Cultural, Economic, and Political History. Greenwood. pp. 1142. ISBN 978-1-59884-239-5
95. Jump up^ "Roots in the Sand — the Archives". PBS. Retrieved 2016-05-08.
96. ^ Jump up to:a b Jennifer Ludden. "1965 immigration law changed face of America". NPR. Retrieved 2016-05-08.
97. ^ Jump up to:a b c Lai, Lei; Babcock, Linda C. (2013). "Asian Americans and Workplace Discrimination: The Interplay between Sex of Evaluators and the Perception of Social Skills". Journal of Organizational Behavior. 34 (3): 310–26. doi:10.1002/job.1799.
98. Jump up^ Kim, Isok (2014). "The Role of Critical Ethnic Awareness and Social Support in the discrimination–depression Relationship among Asian Americans: Path Analysis". Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. 20 (1): 52–60. doi:10.1037/a0034529.
99. Jump up^ Spencer, Michael S.; et al. (2010). "Discrimination and Mental Health-Related Service use in a National Study of Asian Americans". American Journal of Public Health. 100 (12): 2410–7. PMC 2978178 . PMID 20299649. doi:10.2105/ajph.2009.176321.
100. Jump up^ Chae, David H.; et al. (2008). "Unfair Treatment, Racial/Ethnic Discrimination, Ethnic Identification, and Smoking among Asian Americans in the National Latino and Asian American Study". American Journal of Public Health. 98 (3): 485–92. PMC 2253562 . PMID 18235073. doi:10.2105/ajph.2006.102012.
101. Jump up^ Prince, Carl E. (1985) "The Great 'Riot Year': Jacksonian Democracy and Patterns of Violence in 1834." Journal of the Early Republic 5(1): 1–19. ISSN 0275-1275 examines 24 episodes including the January labor riot at the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, the New York City election riot in April, the Philadelphia race riot in August, and the Baltimore & Washington Railroad riot in November.
102. Jump up^ Fried, Rebecca A. (2015) "No Irish Need Deny: Evidence for the Historicity of NINA Restrictions in Advertisements and Signs" Journal of Social History 48. Accessed 17 July 2015. doi: 10.1093/jsh/shv066.In addition to job postings, the article also surveys evidence relevant to several of Jensen's subsidiary arguments, including lawsuits involving NINA publications, NINA restrictions in housing solicitations, Irish-American responses to NINA advertisements, and the use of NINA advertisements in Confederate propaganda", and concludes (per the abstract) that "Jensen's thesis about the highly limited extent of NINA postings requires revision", and that "the earlier view of historians generally accepting the widespread reality of the NINA phenomenon is better supported by the currently available evidence."
103. Jump up^ "The New York Herald". XXVIII (186). 7 July 1863. p. Page 11.
104. Jump up^ Young, Patrick (July 19, 2015). "High School Student Proves Professor Wrong When He Denied "No Irish Need Apply" Signs Existed". Long Island Wins. Retrieved August 16, 2015.
105. Jump up^ Mattias Gardell (2003). "Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism". p. 80. Duke University Press
106. Jump up^ "A Painful Present as Historians Confront a Nation's Bloody Past". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved August 11, 2017
107. Jump up^ Newton, Michael (2001). The Invisible Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Florida.
108. Jump up^ "America's dark and not-very-distant history of hating Catholics". The Guardian. February 15, 2016.
109. Jump up^ Coolidge, Calvin (1921). "Whose Country is This?". Good Housekeeping: 14.
110. Jump up^ "The Immigration Act of 1924 (The Johnson-Reed Act)". U.S Department of State Office of the Historian. Retrieved 2012-02-13.
111. Jump up^ Stoddard, Lothrop (1922). The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under Man. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
112. Jump up^ Losurdo, Domenico (2004). Translated by Marella & Jon Morris. "Toward a Critique of the Category of Totalitarianism" (PDF, 0.2 MB). Historical Materialism. Brill. 12 (2): 25–55, here p. 50. ISSN 1465-4466. doi:10.1163/1569206041551663.
113. Jump up^ Hugo Münsterberg's obituary.
114. Jump up^ The War Department: Keeper of Our Nation's Enemy Aliens During World War I by Mitchel Yockelson. 1998.
115. Jump up^ "Get the Rope! Anti-German Violence in World War I-era Wisconsin", History Matters, George Mason University, retrieved 2008-08-01
116. Jump up^ Hickey, Donald R. (Summer 1969), "The Prager Affair: A Study in Wartime Hysteria", Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society: 126–127
117. Jump up^ "How Eyewitnesses Survived Explosion: Police and Men on Craft Dodged Death on Land and Water to Save Themselves and Others". The New York Times. 1916-07-31. Retrieved 2010-07-30.
118. Jump up^ Robbins, Jim (2006-05-03). "Silence Broken, Pardons Granted 88 Years After Crimes of Sedition". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-07-30.
119. Jump up^ Kathleen Doane. "Anti-German hysteria swept Cincinnati in 1917" . The Cincinnati Enquirer, June 6, 2012. Accessed February 15, 2013.
120. Jump up^ Guardian 2009 Annual Report[permanent dead link], p. 2; Anita Rapone, The Guardian Life Insurance Company, 1860–1920: A History of a German-American Enterprise (New York: New York University Press, 1987); Robert E. Wright and George David Smith, Mutually Beneficial: The Guardian and Life Insurance in America (New York: New York University Press, 2004).
121. Jump up^ CCNY Archival Finding Aid, p. 81.
122. Jump up^ "German American Internee Coalition". Gaic.info. Archived from the original on March 1, 2010. Retrieved 2010-07-30.
123. Jump up^ Matt S. Meier; Margo Gutierrez (2000). Encyclopedia of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Greenwood Publishing Group.
124. Jump up^ "The lynching of persons of Mexican origin or descent in the United States, 1848 to 1928 | Journal of Social History | Find Articles at BNET.com". Findarticles.com. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
125. Jump up^ Richard Griswold del Castillo, "The Los Angeles "Zoot Suit Riots" Revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives," Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 2000), pp. 367-391.
126. Jump up^ Arthur C. Verge, "The Impact of the Second World War on Los Angeles," The Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 63, No. 3, Fortress California at War: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Oakland, and San Diego, 1941–1945. (Aug., 1994), pp. 306–07.
127. Jump up^ "Teachers' Domain: Mendez v. Westminster: Desegregating California's Schools". Teachersdomain.org. 2004-12-22. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
128. Jump up^ "Handbook of Texas Online – HERNANDEZ V. STATE OF TEXAS". Tshaonline.org. 1927-02-16. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
129. Jump up^ "RACE – History – Post-War Economic Boom and Racial Discrimination". Understandingrace.org. 1956-12-21. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
130. Jump up^ Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left: Radical Activism in Los Angeles – Laura Pulido – Google Boeken. Books.google.com. 2005-12-17. ISBN 978-0-520-93889-2. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
131. Jump up^ "Arab American Institute Still Deliberately Claiming Assyrians Are Arabs". Assyrian International News Agency. Retrieved 2008-02-09.
132. Jump up^ John Tehranian, "Performing Whiteness: Naturalization Litigation and the Construction of Racial Identity in America," The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 109, No. 4. (Jan., 2000), pp. 817–848.
133. Jump up^ Leonard, Karen. University of California, Irvine. Western Knight Center. "American Muslims: South Asian Contributions to the Mix". 2005. July 28, 2007.
134. Jump up^ Netton, Ian Richard; Evelyn Alsultany (2006). "From ambiguity to abjection: Iraqi-Americans negotiating race in the United States". In Zahia Smail Salhi (ed.). The Arab diaspora: Voices of an anguished scream. Taylor & Francis. pp. 140–43. ISBN 978-0-415-37542-9.
135. Jump up^ "United States". Hrw.org. 2001-09-11. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
136. Jump up^ "While African-Americans, Asians, and Native Americans are racialized according to phenotype, Arab-Americans are often racialized according to religion and politics. Religious racialization conflates Arabs and Islam, and consequently positions all Arabs as Muslim; represents Islam as a monolithic religion erasing diversity among Arabs and Muslims; and marks Islam as a backwards, fanatical, uncivilized, and a terroristic belief system" (p. 127). "Whereas before September 11, Arab- and Muslim-Americans were not included in discourses on race and racism in the United States, a public discourse emerged after September 11 on whether Arabs and Muslims were being treated fairly or being subjected to racism with the rise in hate crimes and government measures targeting Arabs and Muslims" (p. 141). Alsultany, Evelyn (2006). "From ambiguity to abjection: Iraqi-Americans negotiating race in the United States". In Zahia Smail Salhi, Ian Richard Netton (eds.). The Arab diaspora: Voices of an anguished scream. Taylor & Francis. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-415-37542-9.
137. Jump up^ "'Muslim' identity has certainly congealed as a marker of exclusion and marginalization, in relation to white or mainstream America, which is subjected to similar processes of racialization, and racism, that operate for racial minority groups."Maira, Sunaina (January 2009). Missing: youth, citizenship, and empire after 9/11. Duke University Press. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-8223-4409-4.
138. Jump up^ "Independent News Media – War in Iraq". Columbus Free Press. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
139. Jump up^ Abdul Malik Mujahid. "Demonization of Muslims Caused the Iraq Abuse". Soundvision.com. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
140. Jump up^ Attacks on Arab Americans (PBS)
141. Jump up^ Murphy, Jarrett (2009-02-11). "Hindu Beaten Because He's Muslim, Mistaken Anti-Islam Thugs Pummel, Hogtie And Stab Deliveryman". CBS News. Associated Press. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
142. Jump up^ "ADL Condemns Hate Crime Against Hindu". Anti-Defamation League. Retrieved 2008-07-18.
143. Jump up^ Bradley Blackburn & Margaret Aro (April 14, 2010). "Muslim-American Soldier Claims Harassment in the Army". ABC World News with Diane Sawyer. American Broadcasting Company. Retrieved March 15, 2013.
144. Jump up^ "An American Soldier, who happens to be Muslim – The Documentary (51:36)". YouTube. January 28, 2011. Retrieved March 14, 2013.
145. Jump up^ Ajrouch, Kristine J. (Winter 2004). "Gender, Race, and Symbolic Boundaries: Contested Spaces of Identity Among Arab American Adolescents". Sociological Perspectives. University of California Press. 47 (4): 371–391. JSTOR 10.1525/sop.2004.47.4.371. doi:10.1525/sop.2004.47.4.371.
146. Jump up^ Bozorgmehr, Mehdi (2001-05-02). "No solidarity: Iranians in the U.S". The Iranian. Retrieved 2007-02-02.
147. Jump up^ See detailed analysis in: The U.S. Media and the Middle East: Image and Perception. Praeger, 1997; Greenwood, 1995.
148. Jump up^ Los Angeles Times: Essay: Iranians moving past negative depictions in pop culture: "Iranians, left outside of the 9/11 conversation, began to leak fairly seamlessly into the best and worst of pop culture. In 2003, veteran Iranian actress Shohreh Aghadashloo starred in The House of Sand and Fog, for which she became the first Iranian nominated for an Academy Award (although two years later the pendulum swung back when she played a member of a terrorist family on the hit TV show 24)." June 27, 2010.
149. Jump up^ O'Connor, John J. (1986-05-18). "Tv View; 'On Wings Of Eagles' Plods To Superficial Heights". New York Times. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
150. Jump up^ Richard Maurer (ram-30) (17 May 1981). "Escape from Iran: The Canadian Caper (TV Movie 1981)". IMDb.
151. Jump up^ Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 1993), 277-283.
152. Jump up^ Rosten, Leo (1968) The Joys of Yiddish
153. Jump up^ "Proceedings of the Asiatic Exclusion League"Asiatic Exclusion League. San Francisco: April 1910. Pg. 7. "To amend section twenty-one hundred and sixty-nine of the Revised Statutes of the United States. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that section twenty-one hundred and sixty-nine of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and the same is hereby, amended by adding thereto the following: And Mongolians, Malays, and other Asiatics, except Armenians, Assyrians, and Jews, shall not be naturalized in the United States."
154. Jump up^ Phagan, 1987, p. 27, states that "everyone knew the identity of the lynchers" (putting the words in her father's mouth). Oney, 2003, p. 526, quotes Carl Abernathy as saying, "They'd go to a man's office and talk to him or … see a man on the job and talk to him," and an unidentified lyncher as saying "The organization of the body was more open than mysterious."
155. Jump up^ "The Various Shady Lives of the Ku Klux Klan". Time magazine. April 9, 1965. An itinerant Methodist preacher named William Joseph Simmons started up the Klan again in Atlanta. On Thanksgiving Eve 1915, Simmons took 15 friends to the top of Stone Mountain, near Atlanta, built an altar on which he placed an American flag, a Bible and an unsheathed sword, set fire to a crude wooden cross, muttered a few incantations about a "practical fraternity among men," and declared himself Imperial Wizard of the Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
156. Jump up^ Father Charles Edward Coughlin (1891–1971) By Richard Sanders, Editor, Press for Conversion!
157. Jump up^ Mary Christine Athans, "A New Perspective on Father Charles E. Coughlin," Church History, Vol. 56, No. 2. (June 1987), pp. 224–235, American Society of Church History
158. Jump up^ "H-ANTISEMITISM OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 1M". H-net.msu.edu. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
159. Jump up^ "The Nation of Islam". Anti-Defamation League. Archived from the original on April 26, 2006. Retrieved July 17, 2016.
160. Jump up^ Goldstein, Amy (September 27, 1993). "A D.C. Clinic's Controversial Rx for AIDS". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 17, 2016. His critics, including the Anti-Defamation League, contend that Muhammad's speeches contain antisemitic slurs. The critics have provided evidence of such remarks made by [NOI leader Louis] Farrakhan but not by Muhammad. In his several taped speeches, Muhammad has named Israel among the countries in what he calls the genocidal AIDS conspiracy, but he does not single out Jews for criticism.
161. Jump up^ Seth Korelitz, "The Menorah Idea: From Religion to Culture, From Race to Ethnicity," American Jewish History 1997 85(1): 75–100. 0164–0178
162. Jump up^ Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (1999); Hilene Flanzbaum, ed. The Americanization of the Holocaust (1999); Monty Noam Penkower, "Shaping Holocaust Memory," American Jewish History 2000 88(1): 127–132. 0164–0178
163. Jump up^ Steve Siporin, "Immigrant and Ethnic Family Folklore," Western States Jewish History 1990 22(3): 230–242. 0749–5471
164. ^ Jump up to:a b Lerner, Michael (May 18, 1993). "Jews Are Not White". The Village Voice. XXXVIII (20). pp. 33–34.
165. Jump up^ "Voices on Antisemitism Podcast". USHMM. Archived from the original on August 23, 2007. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
166. Jump up^ Sources for the following are:
167. Bauer, Yehuda. ""Problems of Contemporary Anti-Semitism"" (PDF). Archived from the original on July 5, 2003. Retrieved 2003-07-05., 2003, retrieved April 22, 2006.
168. Chesler, Phyllis. The New Anti-Semitism: The Current Crisis and What We Must Do About It, Jossey-Bass, 2003, pp. 158–159, 181.
169. Doward, Jamie. Jews predict record level of hate attacks: Militant Islamic media accused of stirring up new wave of anti-semitism, The Guardian, August 8, 2004.
170. Kinsella, Warren. The New anti-Semitism Archived2007-10-14 at the Wayback Machine., accessed March 5, 2006.
171. Sacks, Jonathan. "The New Antisemitism" Archived2008-06-07 at the Wayback Machine., Ha'aretz, September 6, 2002, retrieved on January 10, 2007.
172. Strauss, Mark. "Antiglobalism's Jewish Problem" in Rosenbaum, Ron (ed). Those who forget the past: The Question of Anti-Semitism, Random House 2004, p. 272.
173. Jump up^ Noam Chomsky, Necessary Illusions, Appendix V, Segment 20
174. Jump up^ "Congressmember Weiner Gets It Wrong On Palestinian Group He Tried To Bar From U.S.". Democracy Now!. 2006-08-30. Archived from the original on 2007-11-14.
175. Jump up^ "Real Stories From Victims Who've Been Scammed". gypsypsychicscams.com. Archived from the original on 26 August 2007. Retrieved 26 August 2007.
176. Jump up^ Sutherland, Anne (1986). Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. Waveland Press. p. 86. ISBN 0-88133-235-6
177. ISBN 978-0-88133-235-3
178. Jump up^ Mann, Charles C., 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, Vintage Books, 2006, c.2005, p. 18
179. Jump up^ Brescia, William (Bill) (1982). "Chapter 2, French-Choctaw Contact, 1680s-1763". Tribal Government, A New Era. Philadelphia, Mississippi: Choctaw Heritage Press. p. 8.
180. Jump up^ Walter, Williams (1979). "Three Efforts at Development among the Choctaws of Mississippi". Southeastern Indians: Since the Removal Era. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press.
181. Jump up^ Hudson, Charles (1971). "The Ante-Bellum Elite". Red, White, and Black; Symposium on Indians in the Old South. University of Georgia Press. p. 80. SBN 820303089.
182. Jump up^ Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, Robert Tignor, Jeremy Adelman, Stephen Aron, Stephen Kotkin, Suzanne Marchand, Gyan Prakash, Michael Tsin, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, 2000, p. 274.
183. Jump up^ Out West. University of Nebraska Press. 2000. p. 96.
184. Jump up^ "Millions of Americans Have Nothing to Celebrate on the Fourth of July". Mic. Retrieved August 20, 2017
185. Jump up^ Castillo, Edward D. (1998). "Short Overview of California Indian History" Archived December 14, 2006, at the Wayback Machine., California Native American Heritage Commission.
186. ^ Jump up to:a b M. Annette Jaimes (1992). The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization, and Resistance. p. 34. South End Press
187. Jump up^ Thornton, Russell (1990). American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-8061-2220-5
188. Jump up^ "Plains Humanities: Wounded Knee Massacre". Retrieved August 4, 2017.
189. Jump up^ "Plains Humanities: Wounded Knee Massacre". Retrieved August 9, 2016.
190. ^ Jump up to:a b ""L. Frank Baum's Editorials on the Sioux Nation"". Archived from the original on December 9, 2007. Retrieved 2007-12-09. Full text of both, with commentary by professor A. Waller Hastings
191. Jump up^ Professor Robert Venables, Senior Lecturer Rural Sociology Department, Cornell University, "Looking Back at Wounded Knee 1890", Northeast Indian Quarterly, Spring 1990
192. Jump up^ "Our Daily Bleed...". Retrieved 2008-01-28.
193. Jump up^ Ward Churchill, Kill the Indian, Save the Man, 2006. The basis for this theory was that inside every native person, there was a repressed white person screaming to come to the surface. Abuse both physical and psychological was common in these schools, and often their objective of 'compulsory whiteness' was not even ultimately achieved, with many of the Indians who later returned to the reservations afterwards not at all 'becoming white', but instead simply becoming heavy alcoholics and displaying signs of permanent psychological distress, and even mental illness. Further, these individuals were often either totally unemployable or only marginally employed, as it was sensed by those around them that on the one hand, they had not successfully assimilated into 'white society', nor were they any longer acceptable to the Indian societies from which they had originated.
194. Jump up^ Strasser, Franz; Carpenter, Sharon (November 22, 2010). "Native Americans battle teenage suicide". BBC News.
195. Jump up^ "American laws against ‘coloreds’ influenced Nazi racial planners". Times of Israel. Retrieved August 26, 2017
196. ^ Jump up to:a b Westermann, Edward. B. (2016). Hitler's Ostkrieg and the Indian Wars: Comparing Genocide and Conquest. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 3.
197. Jump up^ Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. p. 47.
198. Jump up^ United States Senate, Oversight Hearing on Trust Fund Litigation, Cobell v. Kempthorne. See also, Cobell v. Norton.
199. Jump up^ Winona LaDuke, All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life, 1999, p. 2-3.
200. Jump up^ Perdue, Theda (2003). "Chapter 2 "Both White and Red"". Mixed Blood Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South. The University of Georgia Press. p. 51. ISBN 0-8203-2731-X.
201. Jump up^ Remini, Robert (1977). ""The Reform Begins"". Andrew Jackson. History Book Club. p. 201. ISBN 0-9650631-0-7.
202. Jump up^ Kappler, Charles (1904). "Indian affairs: laws and treaties Vol. IV, Treaties". Government Printing Office. Archived from the original on 2008-10-11. Retrieved 2008-10-14.
203. Jump up^ "Substance Abuse and Mental Health Publications| SAMHSA Store". Mentalhealth.samhsa.gov. 2011-11-19. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
204. Jump up^ The Schedule of Racist Events: A Measure of Racial Discrimination and a Study of Its Negative Physical and Mental Health Consequences Journal of Black Psychology, Vol. 22, No. 2, 144-168 (1996)
205. Jump up^ Kwate NO, Valdimarsdottir HB, Guevarra JS, Bovbjerg DH (June 2003). "Experiences of racist events are associated with negative health consequences for African American women". J Natl Med Assoc. 95 (6): 450–60. PMC 2594553 . PMID 12856911.
206. Jump up^ Blascovich J, Spencer SJ, Quinn D, Steele C (May 2001). "African Americans and high blood pressure: the role of stereotype threat". Psychol Sci. 12 (3): 225–9. PMID 11437305. doi:10.1111/1467-9280.00340.
207. Jump up^ Finch, Brian (2000). "Perceived Discrimination and Depression among Mexican-Origin Adults in California". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 41 (3): 309. JSTOR 2676322. doi:10.2307/2676322.
208. Jump up^ Kennedy BP, Kawachi I, Lochner K, Jones C, Prothrow-Stith D (1997). "(Dis)respect and black mortality". Ethn Dis. 7 (3): 207–14. PMID 9467703.
209. Jump up^ Hart KD, Kunitz SJ, Sell RR, Mukamel DB (March 1998). "Metropolitan governance, residential segregation, and mortality among African Americans". Am J Public Health. 88 (3): 434–8. PMC 1508338 . PMID 9518976. doi:10.2105/AJPH.88.3.434.
210. Jump up^ Jackson SA, Anderson RT, Johnson NJ, Sorlie PD (April 2000). "The relation of residential segregation to all-cause mortality: a study in black and white". Am J Public Health. 90 (4): 615–7. PMC 1446199 . PMID 10754978. doi:10.2105/AJPH.90.4.615.
211. Jump up^ THE CONCEPT OF NEIGHBORHOOD IN HEALTH AND MORTALITY RESEARCH
212. Jump up^ Cooper RS, Kennelly JF, Durazo-Arvizu R, Oh HJ, Kaplan G, Lynch J (2001). "Relationship between premature mortality and socioeconomic factors in black and white populations of US metropolitan areas". Public Health Rep. 116 (5): 464–73. PMC 1497360 . PMID 12042610. doi:10.1016/S0033-3549(04)50074-2.
213. ^ Jump up to:a b Felicia R. Lee, "Protesting Demeaning Images in Media" New York Times November 5, 2007
214. Jump up^ Marissa Newhall, "Channeling Their Discontent, 500 Gather at Executive's D.C. Home to Protest Stereotypes," Washington Post, September 16, 2007
215. Jump up^ "Enough is Enough! Campaign". Enough is Enough! Campaign. 2011-03-09. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
216. Jump up^ "What About Our Daughters?". Whataboutourdaughters.com. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
217. Jump up^ Ford, Thomas (1997). "Effects of Stereotypical Television Portrayals of African-Americans on Person Perception". Social Psychology Quarterly. 60 (3): 266. JSTOR 2787086. doi:10.2307/2787086.
218. Jump up^ Altschul, Inna; Daphna Oyserman; Deborah Bybee (September 2008). "Racial-Ethnic Self-Schemas and Segmented Assimilation: Identity and the Academic Achievement of Hispanic Youth". Social Psychology Quarterly. 71 (3): 303. JSTOR 20141842. doi:10.1177/019027250807100309.
219. Jump up^ "Racial Violence against Asian Americans". Harvard Law Review. 106 (8). 1993. JSTOR 1341790.
220. Jump up^ Leland T. Saito (1998). "Race and Politics: Asian Americans, Latinos, and Whites in a Los Angeles Suburb". p. 154. University of Illinois Press
221. Jump up^ Wilkerson, Isabel (17 April 1988). "Campus Blacks Feel Racism's Nuances". The New York Times. Retrieved 5 November 2013.
222. Jump up^ For example, Catherine A. Hansman, Leon Spencer, Dale Grant, Mary Jackson, "Beyond Diversity: Dismantling Barriers in Education," Journal of Instructional Psychology, March 1999
223. Jump up^ Andrew Blankstein And Joel Rubin. L.A.'s top cops at odds: William Bratton, Lee Baca disagree on role of race in gang violence. Los Angeles Times, June 13, 2008.
224. Jump up^ "Race relations | Where black and brown collide". Economist.com. 2007-08-02. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
225. Jump up^ "Riot Breaks Out At Calif. High School, Melee Involving 500 People Erupts At Southern California School". Cbsnews.com. 2009-02-11. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
226. Jump up^ "California Prisons on Alert After Weekend Violence". NPR. 2006-02-06. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
227. Jump up^ Paul Harris (2007-03-18). "A bloody conflict between Black and Hispanic gangs is spreading across Los Angeles". Observer.guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
228. Jump up^ The Hutchinson Report: Thanks to Latino Gangs, There's a Zone in L.A. Where Blacks Risk Death if They EnterArchived May 13, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
229. Jump up^ [1] Archived October 11, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
230. Jump up^ JURIST – Paper Chase: Race riot put down at California state prison Archived 2010-03-07 at the Wayback Machine.
231. Jump up^ Racial segregation continues in California prisonsArchived August 23, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
232. Jump up^ "African immigrants face bias from blacks". Post-gazette.com. 1969-12-31. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
233. Jump up^ "Racism not always black and white". Abcnews.go.com. 2008-06-25. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
234. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Brown, Darryl (March 1990). "Racism and Race Relations in the University". Virginia Law Review. 76(2). JSTOR 1073204.
235. Jump up^ What is Institutional and Structural Racism? ERASE RACISM
236. Jump up^ Bullock, III; Rodgers, Jr. (1976). "Institutional Racism: Prerequisites, Freezing, and Mapping". Phylon. 37 (3): 212–223. doi:10.2307/274450.
237. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Everyday Sociology Blog: Michael Brown, Ferguson, Missouri, and the Invisibility of Race". www.everydaysociologyblog.com. Retrieved 2015-12-15.
238. Jump up^ Roman Catholics and Immigration in Nineteenth-Century America by Julie Byrne, Dept. of Religion, Duke University, National Humanities Center
239. Jump up^ "Chinese Exclusion Act (1882)". Ourdocuments.gov. 1968-07-01. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
240. Jump up^ Immigration Act of 1924 HistoricalDocuments.com
241. Jump up^ "The Immigration Act of 1924 (The Johnson-Reed Act)". U.S Department of State Office of the Historian. Retrieved 2017-08-19.
242. ^ Jump up to:a b Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. pp. 37–43.
243. Jump up^ Lowell, Lindsay (November 1995). "Unintended Consequences of Immigration Reform: Discrimination and HIspanic Employment". Demography. 32 (4): 617. JSTOR 2061678. doi:10.2307/2061678.
244. Jump up^ "Wealth gap widens: Whites' net worth is 20 times that of blacks". CSMonitor.com. 2011-07-26. Retrieved 2013-02-16.
245. Jump up^ "Census report: Broad racial disparities persist", November 14, 2006.
246. Jump up^ George Lipsitz, "The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the "White" Problem in American Studies," American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3. (September 1995), pp. 369-387.
247. Jump up^ Woolf SH, Johnson RE, Fryer GE, Rust G, Satcher D (December 2004). "The health impact of resolving racial disparities: an analysis of US mortality data". Am J Public Health. 94 (12): 2078–81. PMC 1448594 . PMID 15569956. doi:10.2105/AJPH.94.12.2078.
248. Jump up^ "The History of Black 'Paranoia'", ch. 3 of Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press, London: Verso, 1998.
249. Jump up^ Bhopal R (June 1998). "Spectre of racism in health and health care: lessons from history and the United States". BMJ. 316 (7149): 1970–3. PMC 1113412 . PMID 9641943. doi:10.1136/bmj.316.7149.1970.
250. Jump up^ Oberman A, Cutter G (September 1984). "Issues in the natural history and treatment of coronary heart disease in black populations: surgical treatment". Am. Heart J. 108 (3 Pt 2): 688–94. PMID 6332513. doi:10.1016/0002-8703(84)90656-2.
251. Jump up^ Kjellstrand CM (June 1988). "Age, sex, and race inequality in renal transplantation". Arch. Intern. Med. 148 (6): 1305–9. PMID 3288159. doi:10.1001/archinte.148.6.1305.
252. Jump up^ Mayer WJ, McWhorter WP (June 1989). "Black/white differences in non-treatment of bladder cancer patients and implications for survival". Am J Public Health. 79(6): 772–5. PMC 1349641 . PMID 2729474. doi:10.2105/AJPH.79.6.772.
253. Jump up^ Yergan J, Flood AB, LoGerfo JP, Diehr P (July 1987). "Relationship between patient race and the intensity of hospital services". Med Care. 25 (7): 592–603. PMID 3695664. doi:10.1097/00005650-198707000-00003.
254. Jump up^ , (May 1990). "Black-white disparities in health care". JAMA. 263 (17): 2344–6. PMID 2182918. doi:10.1001/jama.263.17.2344.
255. ^ Jump up to:a b Valentino, Nicholas (March 2002). "Cues that Matter: How Political Ads Prime Racial Attitudes during Campaigns". The American Political Science Review. 96(1): 83. JSTOR 3117811. doi:10.1017/s0003055402004240.
256. Jump up^ Full Show: Ian Haney López on the Dog Whistle Politics of Race, Part I. Moyers & Company, February 28, 2014. See also: Ian Haney-López. Dog Whistle Politics: How Coded Racial Appeals Have Reinvented Racism and Wrecked the Middle Class Archived 2014-12-18 at the Wayback Machine.. Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 0-19-996427-0
257. Jump up^ Bill Quigley (2010-07-26). "Fourteen Examples of Racism in Criminal Justice System".
258. Jump up^ Hate Crime Statistics, 2004. Hate Crime Statistics, 2005.
259. Jump up^ "Hate Crime Victimization, 2003–2011" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics. Archived from the original on September 7, 2015. Retrieved 30 August 2014.
260. Jump up^ Hate Crime Reported by Victims and Police, Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report, November 2005, NCJ 209911.
261. Jump up^ "Highlights from Hate Crime Victimization, 2004-2012 - Statistical Tables". Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved 20 June 2016.
262. Jump up^ "FBI - Incidents and Offenses". Criminal Justice Information Services. Retrieved 20 June 2016.
263. Jump up^ Sreenivasan, Hari (20 June 2015). "FBI: Blacks most often targeted in hate crimes". PBS. Retrieved 20 June2016.
264. Jump up^ The Color of Crime, 1999.
265. Jump up^ Preface to Minnesota's official crime data reports, quoted in Southern Poverty Law Center, Coloring Crime.
266. Jump up^ Tim Wise, "The Color of Deception: Race, Crime and Sloppy Social Science," 2004.
267. Jump up^ Southern Poverty Law Center, Coloring Crime.
268. Jump up^ "ADL poll: Anti-Semitic attitudes on rise in USA". The Jerusalem Post. November 3, 2011. Retrieved December 20, 2013.
269. ^ Jump up to:a b Babington, Charles (September 22, 2008). "Poll: Views still differ sharply by race". Fox News Channel. Retrieved January 16, 2010. [A] new Associated Press-Yahoo News poll, conducted with Stanford University, shows... that a substantial portion of white Americans still harbor negative feelings toward blacks.

Racism in the Americas

• Life in the United States
• United States articles
• Racism

-------